We stand firmly against injustice in all its forms. Nothing can justify the current war crimes committed by Israel in occupied Palestine. Equally, nothing can excuse the continued support offered by other nations to this apartheid regime. If you believe in human rights, dignity, and justice, then we urge you to boycott this rogue state. Silence is complicity, do what’s right.
For decades, the United States has wielded its veto power in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to shield Israel from accountability and obstruct justice for Palestinians. This pattern of vetoes, often in response to resolutions condemning Israeli actions or supporting Palestinian rights, has played a significant role in prolonging the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and enabling Israel’s continued violations of international law.
Since 1972, the U.S. has used its veto power more than 50 times on issues related to Israel and Palestine. These vetoes have blocked resolutions that addressed critical issues, including illegal settlements in the West Bank, military aggression in Gaza, and the recognition of Palestinian statehood. Each veto represents not just a vote against the resolution itself but a broader message of complicity and indifference toward Palestinian suffering.
Examples of Notable U.S. Vetoes
1. 1982: Condemning Israel’s Invasion of Lebanon
The U.S. vetoed a resolution condemning Israel’s invasion of Lebanon and its targeting of Palestinian refugees in the Sabra and Shatila massacres. The veto effectively excused acts of mass violence and reinforced Israel’s impunity on the international stage.
2. 2011: Condemning Israeli Settlements
A UNSC resolution declaring Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal and demanding a halt to their expansion was vetoed by the Obama administration. This veto came despite overwhelming international consensus and even criticism from U.S. allies. It signaled a refusal to challenge Israel’s expansionist policies, which remain a central obstacle to peace.
3. 2017: Recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s Capital
After President Trump unilaterally declared Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, the UNSC proposed a resolution rejecting this recognition. The U.S. vetoed the resolution, isolating itself internationally and undermining its role as a neutral broker in the peace process.
The Impact of U.S. Vetoes
These vetoes have had far-reaching consequences:
• Undermining International Law: By blocking resolutions that call for Israel to adhere to international law, the U.S. has effectively allowed Israel to operate above the law. Illegal settlements, collective punishment, and the blockade of Gaza continue without meaningful consequences.
• Perpetuating Palestinian Oppression: The vetoes have denied Palestinians justice, accountability, and recognition on the world stage. They have emboldened Israel to pursue policies of displacement, land theft, and military aggression without fear of international repercussions.
• Eroding U.S. Credibility: The U.S.’s unwavering support for Israel, even in the face of documented human rights violations, has tarnished its reputation as a defender of democracy and human rights. This double standard fuels anti-American sentiment globally and undermines U.S. legitimacy in mediating conflicts elsewhere.
• Stalling Peace Efforts: By consistently siding with Israel, the U.S. has sabotaged numerous opportunities for progress in the peace process. Palestinian aspirations for statehood and self-determination remain unfulfilled, while the conflict deepens.
A Pattern of Bias and Complicity
The U.S.’s repeated use of its veto power in favor of Israel highlights a clear bias rooted in geopolitical interests, domestic political pressure, and the influence of pro-Israel lobbying groups like AIPAC. While many American officials justify these vetoes as support for an ally, they fail to acknowledge the human cost of enabling Israel’s occupation and aggression.
The Need for Accountability
The U.S.’s veto record on Palestine represents a moral and political failure. It is a stark reminder that justice and international law are often subordinated to political expediency and strategic alliances. To foster a just and lasting peace, the international community must hold all parties accountable, including Israel, and challenge the U.S.’s role in perpetuating this unjust status quo.
The question remains: How long will the world allow a single nation’s veto to block justice and deny the Palestinian people their fundamental rights? The answer lies in the collective will of the global community to confront this imbalance and demand an end to the era of unaccountable power.
A psychopathic society is one where empathy is systematically eroded, moral accountability is discarded, and violence and domination are celebrated as virtues. In such societies, the traits of psychopathy—lack of remorse, dehumanization of others, and ruthless pursuit of self-interest—are not just tolerated but institutionalized. When we reflect on the current state of global politics, few examples illustrate this phenomenon more clearly than the ongoing actions of the Israeli state.
Psychopathic societies thrive on collective delusion. They construct narratives that justify systemic oppression and normalize violence. In Israel, the dehumanization of Palestinians has been deeply ingrained, perpetuated by political rhetoric, media propaganda, and societal conditioning. From labeling entire communities as “terrorists” to reducing human lives in Gaza to mere collateral damage, the language of supremacy and disregard for human suffering has become a societal norm.
A defining characteristic of a psychopathic society is the ability to commit atrocities while simultaneously viewing oneself as the victim. In Israel, the narrative of self-defense is invoked to justify the indiscriminate killing of civilians, the bombing of homes, and the destruction of infrastructure in Gaza. This twisted justification is amplified by the media, where the victims are often portrayed as aggressors, and those committing the violence are cast as heroes or reluctant participants forced into action.
Psychopathic societies also reward and glorify violence. In Israel, far-right politicians openly call for genocidal policies, such as erasing Gaza or ethnically cleansing Palestinians, and are met with applause rather than condemnation. Soldiers who carry out brutal acts are celebrated, while those who speak out against the occupation are vilified. This normalization of cruelty is not just a feature of governance but is deeply embedded in the societal psyche.
What makes this even more alarming is the complicity of the global community. Psychopathic societies often rely on the silence, support, or indifference of others to sustain their actions. The Israeli state enjoys unwavering support from powerful allies, even as its policies towards Palestinians grow more extreme. This international backing reinforces the impunity with which it operates, further entrenching its psychopathic tendencies.
To call out psychopathic societies is not an act of hate; it is a call to restore humanity. It is a demand to recognize and reject systems that dehumanize, oppress, and destroy. Israel’s actions towards Palestinians are not just a political issue; they are a moral crisis that challenges the conscience of the world.
If we fail to confront and dismantle psychopathic societies, we risk normalizing their traits on a global scale. The question is not just about what is happening in Israel and Palestine but about what kind of world we are willing to accept. Silence in the face of injustice is not neutrality—it is complicity. The first step in countering a psychopathic society is to name it, expose its mechanisms, and demand accountability, no matter how powerful the perpetrators may be.
The time to act is now—before the world becomes a mirror of the very psychopathy we claim to abhor.
The tragedy of genocide has plagued human history, manifesting as one of the darkest aspects of human behavior—organized, deliberate attempts to eradicate entire communities, races, or ethnic groups. In recent decades, the global community has proclaimed “never again” countless times, yet these atrocities persist. What sets the contemporary era apart is the horrifying reality that some genocides are not hidden in the shadows but unfold before the eyes of the world in real time, with the ongoing Israeli assault on Gaza standing as one of the most televised and documented cases of mass suffering in history.
Gaza, home to over 2 million Palestinians, has often been described as the world’s largest open-air prison, with its inhabitants subjected to military occupation, systematic blockade, and repeated large-scale military assaults. The scale of devastation during Israel’s military campaigns, particularly in recent months, has brought accusations of genocidal intent from human rights organizations, scholars, and political observers. Entire neighborhoods have been obliterated, families wiped out, and critical infrastructure—hospitals, schools, and water systems—reduced to rubble.
What distinguishes this tragedy is the omnipresence of cameras and social media. Videos of bombings, destroyed homes, and the lifeless bodies of children circulate widely, evoking international outrage and despair. Journalists, activists, and civilians trapped in Gaza have turned their phones into tools of testimony, capturing the raw brutality of the conflict. Despite this unprecedented visibility, the international response remains paralyzed, reflecting the enduring failure of global powers and institutions to prevent or halt genocide when geopolitical interests are at play.
As scholars Raphael Lemkin and others have defined genocide—not only the killing of individuals but the destruction of a way of life—it becomes increasingly difficult to view the destruction of Gaza as anything less than an attempt to erase the Palestinian people’s existence in this besieged territory. The systematic targeting of civilians, the destruction of homes and cultural sites, and the language of dehumanization directed at Palestinians suggest a chilling intent to eliminate them as a people.
The situation in Gaza forces us to confront uncomfortable truths: What does “Never Again” truly mean when genocide unfolds live on our screens? How do we reconcile the ubiquity of evidence with the inaction of those in power? Gaza is not merely a humanitarian crisis; it is a test of the global conscience. And right now, the world is failing that test.
For those who believe in justice and human dignity, there is no neutral ground. Genocide thrives on silence and complicity. The voices of the oppressed, amplified by technology, demand accountability. If we fail to act, history will judge not only the perpetrators but all of us who stood by as the most televised genocide unfolded before our very eyes.
Racism is universally condemned, but antisemitism “uniqueness” debate has become sterile and constitutes an “intellectual terrorism”. The question is why? Does suffering from racism have universal or unique feelings?
In contemporary society, racism remains a pervasive and deeply ingrained issue that continues to shape individual experiences, societal structures, and global dynamics. While the concept of racism is widely acknowledged, its uniqueness lies in its multifaceted nature, encompassing historical, cultural, institutional, and individual dimensions. Understanding the complexity of racism requires a nuanced examination of its various manifestations and impacts across different contexts.
One distinctive aspect of racism is its historical roots, which span centuries and have influenced the development of societies worldwide. From colonialism and slavery to apartheid, theft of land, illegal settlements and segregation, the legacies of these oppressive systems continue to shape social hierarchies, power dynamics, and intergroup relations. The enduring effects of historical injustices underscore the interconnectedness of past and present forms of racism, highlighting the need for acknowledgment, reconciliation, and reparative actions to achieve freedom, justice and peace.
Furthermore, racism manifests differently across diverse cultural, ethnic, and national contexts, reflecting unique historical, political, and social dynamics. While overt forms of racism, such as explicit discrimination and hate crimes, are widely condemned, subtler manifestations persist in the form of systemic inequalities, microaggressions, and unconscious biases. These covert expressions of racism often perpetuate structural barriers and reinforce existing power imbalances, making them challenging to identify and address.
Moreover, racism operates at both the institutional and individual levels, influencing policies, practices, and attitudes within various social institutions. Institutions such as education, healthcare, criminal justice, and employment often reflect and perpetuate racial disparities, resulting in unequal access to opportunities, resources, and services for marginalized groups. Concurrently, individual attitudes and beliefs about race shape interpersonal interactions, perceptions, and behaviors, contributing to the reproduction of racial stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination.
The uniqueness of racism also lies in its intersectionality, as it intersects with other forms of oppression, including sexism, classism, ableism, and homophobia. Individuals who belong to multiple marginalized groups often experience compounded forms of discrimination, amplifying their vulnerability and limiting their access to social, economic, and political opportunities. Intersectional approaches to combating racism recognize the interconnected nature of oppression and advocate for inclusive strategies that address the intersecting dimensions of identity and inequality.
In confronting the uniqueness of racism, efforts to dismantle systemic racism require a comprehensive and multifaceted approach that addresses its root causes, structural dynamics, and intersecting inequalities. This includes implementing anti-racist policies, promoting diversity and inclusion, fostering intercultural understanding, and challenging institutionalized forms of discrimination and above all ending oppression, theft and occupation of others’ land.
Additionally, fostering empathy, allyship, and solidarity across racial and ethnic lines is essential for building collective resistance against racism and advancing social justice.
Recognizing the uniqueness of racism requires acknowledging its complexity, diversity, and enduring impact on individuals, communities, and societies. By confronting racism in all its forms and dimensions, we can work towards creating a more equitable, inclusive, and just world for all future generations without exemption.
On the hand, the exploitation of the concept of the “uniqueness of racism” by certain groups to perpetuate discrimination against other minorities is often regarded as a form of bullying and intellectual terrorism. This manipulation can lead to the intimidation of individuals, risking their employment and stifling their ability to speak out against apartheid, discrimination, injustice, and the fight for freedom.
Discussing the truth about Israeli atrocities in Gaza should be welcomed, respected, and supported as a means to aid the oppressed and hold perpetrators of genocide accountable. Exposing these truths should not be met with punishment or labeled as antisemitism or extremism.
“We will look back and say, ‘Why did we not do more earlier?” Amnesty’s director tells Zeteo.
By PREM THAKKER, DEC 05, 2024
A young Palestinian man walks in the rubble following Israeli airstrikes on Khan Yunis, Gaza, on April 7, 2024. Photo by Ahmad Hasaballah/Getty Images
Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, Amnesty Internationalsaid for the first time on Wednesday, calling on countries, especially those with influence over Israel, such as the US and Germany, to take action to bring the violence to an end.
“The Palestinian people will not recover from this in our lifetimes as a people, and we’re failing to call it what it is,” Amnesty International executive director Paul O’Brien told Zeteo.
“I think there’s this misunderstanding that it’s impossible to watch a genocide unfolding before your eyes. But that is precisely what is happening, and I am convinced that we will look back in years to come and say, ‘Why did we not do more earlier?’” he added.
Amnesty International reached its conclusion after examining Israel’s actions and statements over a nine-month period from Oct. 7, 2023, and early July and interviewing more than 200 people, including Palestinian victims of Israeli air strikes, displacement, and detention; local authorities in Gaza; and healthcare and aid workers.
“Here in Deir al-Balah, it’s like an apocalypse,” Mohammed, a 42-year-old father of three, was quoted by Amnesty as saying. “There is no room for you to pitch a tent; you have to set it up near the coast… You have to protect your children from insects, from the heat, and there is no clean water, no toilets, all while the bombing never stops. You feel like you are subhuman here.”
Loved ones and relatives mourn as the bodies of Palestinians killed in an Israeli attack are prepared for a funeral in Deir Al-Balah, Gaza, on June 18, 2024. Photo by Ashraf Amra/Anadolu via Getty Images
Israel’s Claims Are ‘Not Credible’
Amnesty’s intensive 296-page report covers everything from airstrikes and aid sieges to agricultural decimation and destruction of cultural and religious sites. On multiple occasions, Amnesty notes, the organization shared its findings with Israeli authorities but received no substantive response.
The Israeli government has repeatedly balked at charges of genocide, claiming it takes great efforts to protect civilians while Hamas deliberately puts Palestinians in danger. The US has made similar defenses, and, when pressed, often defaults to its line that “Israel has a right to defend itself.”
Amnesty found such claims are “not credible,” saying that the presence of Hamas does not absolve Israel from its obligation to avoid indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks.
From “the clear pattern of causing intergenerational harm by dropping bombs on residential areas at night where children, infants, parents and grandparents are sleeping,” to “the constant forced movements of populations that are already traumatized by having been displaced and then attacking them once they have been moved,” O’Brien said it is “absolutely not the case” that Israel’s violence can be “understood exclusively as an attempt to defeat Hamas.”
Palestinians inspect the rubble after the Israeli army hit a UN school sheltering thousands of people in Gaza’s Nuseirat Refugee Camp on June 6, 2024. Photo by Ali Jadallah/Anadolu via Getty Images
Amnesty reviewed 15 Israeli airstrikes between Oct. 7, 2023, and April 20, 2024, that killed and wounded hundreds of civilians and found no evidence that any of the strikes were directed at a military objective.
Humanitarian workers meanwhile told Amnesty that Israel repeatedly failed to support aid distribution – and at times targeted workers who had coordinated with Israel.
One worker told Amnesty their organization actually chose not to even try notifying the Israeli government of their movements, as Palestinian staff actually feared that would put them at a higher risk. “Of course, they don’t think it will stop Israel. On the contrary, it may make them more of a target.”
Citing such evidence, Amnesty said there is “sufficient basis” to conclude that Israel has committed several acts “with the specific intent to destroy Palestinians in Gaza” – a finding the human rights group said fits thelegal definition of genocide.
Unlike in many other cases of genocide, O’Brien noted, the expression of such intent in Israel has come from top officials. Of 102 dehumanizing and genocide-inciting statements from Israeli officials Amnesty identified over nine months, 22 were made by senior officials in charge of managing Israel’s violent campaign.
Last month, the International Criminal Courtissued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant for war crimes. An International Court of Justice case led by South Africa accusing Israel of genocide has had several nations — including Spain, Ireland, and Belgium — join. The ICJ has ordered Israel to prevent acts of genocide (which Israel has since continued to flout) while the case proceeds.
The Israeli military has killed at least 44,532 Palestinians, injured at least 105,538, and displaced an estimated 90% of people in Gaza since the war began. The death and injury toll is feared to be a drastic undercount due to decimated health and tracking capabilities, and thousands missing in the rubble.
With its conclusion, Amnesty International now joins an ever-burgeoning list of people and organizations who have found Israel to be committing acts of genocide against Palestinians.
These include:
• UN Special Rapporteurs
• Holocaust historian and author of “The United States and the Nazi Holocaust” Barry Trachtenberg
• Israeli-American Holocaust and genocide professor Omer Bartov
• Israeli Holocaust historian Amos Goldberg
• Co-founder of Human Rights Watch and Holocaust survivor Aryeh Neier
• The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention and Human Security
Today, on 21 November 2024, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (‘Court’), in its composition for the Situation in the State of Palestine,unanimously issued two decisions rejecting challenges by the State of Israel (‘Israel’) brought under articles 18 and 19 of the Rome Statute (the ‘Statute’). It also issued warrants of arrest for Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant.
Decisions on requests by the State of Israel
The Chamber ruled on two requests submitted by the Israel on 26 September 2024. In the first request, Israel challenged the Court’s jurisdiction over the Situation in the State of Palestine in general, and over Israeli nationals more specifically, on the basis of article 19(2) of the Statute. In the second request, Israel requested that the Chamber order the Prosecution to provide a new notification of the initiation of an investigation to its authorities under article 18(1) of the Statute. Israel also requested the Chamber to halt any proceedings before the Court in the relevant situation, including the consideration of the applications for warrants of arrest for Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant, submitted by the Prosecution on 20 May 2024.
As to the first challenge, the Chamber noted that the acceptance by Israel of the Court’s jurisdiction is not required, as the Court can exercise its jurisdiction on the basis of territorial jurisdiction of Palestine, as determined by Pre-Trial Chamber I in a previous composition. Furthermore, the Chamber considered that pursuant to article 19(1) of the Statute, States are not entitled to challenge the Court’s jurisdiction under article 19(2) prior to the issuance of a warrant of arrest. Thus Israel’s challenge is premature. This is without prejudice to any future possible challenges to the Court’s jurisdiction and/or admissibility of any particular case.
The Chamber also rejected Israel’s request under article 18(1) of the Statute. The Chamber recalled that the Prosecution notified Israel of the initiation of an investigation in 2021. At that time, despite a clarification request by the Prosecution, Israel elected not to pursue any request for deferral of the investigation. Further, the Chamber considered that the parameters of the investigation in the situation have remained the same and, as a consequence, no new notification to the State of Israel was required. In light of this, the judges found that there was no reason to halt the consideration of the applications for warrants of arrest.
The Chamber issued warrants of arrest for two individuals, Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant, for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from at least 8 October 2023 until at least 20 May 2024, the day the Prosecution filed the applications for warrants of arrest.
The arrest warrants are classified as ‘secret’, in order to protect witnesses and to safeguard the conduct of the investigations. However, the Chamber decided to release the information below since conduct similar to that addressed in the warrant of arrest appears to be ongoing. Moreover, the Chamber considers it to be in the interest of victims and their families that they are made aware of the warrants’ existence.
At the outset, the Chamber considered that the alleged conduct of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant falls within the jurisdiction of the Court. The Chamber recalled that, in a previous composition, it already decided that the Court’s jurisdiction in the situation extended to Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Furthermore, the Chamber declined to use its discretionary proprio motu powers to determine the admissibility of the two cases at this stage. This is without prejudice to any determination as to the jurisdiction and admissibility of the cases at a later stage.
With regard to the crimes, the Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu, born on 21 October 1949, Prime Minister of Israel at the time of the relevant conduct, and Mr Gallant, born on 8 November 1958, Minister of Defence of Israel at the time of the alleged conduct, each bear criminal responsibility for the following crimes as co-perpetrators for committing the acts jointly with others: the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts.
The Chamber also found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant each bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing an attack against the civilian population.
Alleged crimes
The Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that during the relevant time, international humanitarian law related to international armed conflict between Israel and Palestine applied. This is because they are two High Contracting Parties to the 1949 Geneva Conventions and because Israel occupies at least parts of Palestine. The Chamber also found that the law related to non-international armed conflict applied to the fighting between Israel and Hamas. The Chamber found that the alleged conduct of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant concerned the activities of Israeli government bodies and the armed forces against the civilian population in Palestine, more specifically civilians in Gaza. It therefore concerned the relationship between two parties to an international armed conflict, as well as the relationship between an occupying power and the population in occupied territory. For these reasons, with regards to war crimes, the Chamber found it appropriate to issue the arrest warrants pursuant to the law of international armed conflict. The Chamber also found that the alleged crimes against humanity were part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population of Gaza.
The Chamber considered that there are reasonable grounds to believe that both individuals intentionally and knowingly deprived the civilian population in Gaza of objects indispensable to their survival, including food, water, and medicine and medical supplies, as well as fuel and electricity, from at least 8 October 2023 to 20 May 2024. This finding is based on the role of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant in impeding humanitarian aid in violation of international humanitarian law and their failure to facilitate relief by all means at its disposal. The Chamber found that their conduct led to the disruption of the ability of humanitarian organisations to provide food and other essential goods to the population in need in Gaza. The aforementioned restrictions together with cutting off electricity and reducing fuel supply also had a severe impact on the availability of water in Gaza and the ability of hospitals to provide medical care.
The Chamber also noted that decisions allowing or increasing humanitarian assistance into Gaza were often conditional. They were not made to fulfil Israel’s obligations under international humanitarian law or to ensure that the civilian population in Gaza would be adequately supplied with goods in need. In fact, they were a response to the pressure of the international community or requests by the United States of America. In any event, the increases in humanitarian assistance were not sufficient to improve the population’s access to essential goods.
Furthermore, the Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that no clear military need or other justification under international humanitarian law could be identified for the restrictions placed on access for humanitarian relief operations. Despite warnings and appeals made by, inter alia, the UN Security Council, UN Secretary General, States, and governmental and civil society organisations about the humanitarian situation in Gaza, only minimal humanitarian assistance was authorised. In this regard, the Chamber considered the prolonged period of deprivation and Mr Netanyahu’s statement connecting the halt in the essential goods and humanitarian aid with the goals of war.
The Chamber therefore found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant bear criminal responsibility for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.
The Chamber found that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the lack of food, water, electricity and fuel, and specific medical supplies, created conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of the civilian population in Gaza, which resulted in the death of civilians, including children due to malnutrition and dehydration. On the basis of material presented by the Prosecution covering the period until 20 May 2024, the Chamber could not determine that all elements of the crime against humanity of extermination were met. However, the Chamber did find that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the crime against humanity of murder was committed in relation to these victims.
In addition, by intentionally limiting or preventing medical supplies and medicine from getting into Gaza, in particular anaesthetics and anaesthesia machines, the two individuals are also responsible for inflicting great suffering by means of inhumane acts on persons in need of treatment. Doctors were forced to operate on wounded persons and carry out amputations, including on children, without anaesthetics, and/or were forced to use inadequate and unsafe means to sedate patients, causing these persons extreme pain and suffering. This amounts to the crime against humanity of other inhumane acts.
The Chamber also found reasonable grounds to believe that the abovementioned conduct deprived a significant portion of the civilian population in Gaza of their fundamental rights, including the rights to life and health, and that the population was targeted based on political and/or national grounds. It therefore found that the crime against humanity of persecution was committed.
Finally, the Chamber assessed that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population of Gaza. In this regard, the Chamber found that the material provided by the Prosecution only allowed it to make findings on two incidents that qualified as attacks that were intentionally directed against civilians. Reasonable grounds to believe exist that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant, despite having measures available to them to prevent or repress the commission of crimes or ensure the submittal of the matter to the competent authorities, failed to do so.
Background
On 1 January 2015, The State of Palestine lodged a declaration under article 12(3) of the Rome Statute accepting jurisdiction of the Court since 13 June 2014.
On 2 January 2015, The State of Palestine acceded to the Rome Statute by depositing its instrument of accession with the UN Secretary-General. The Rome Statute entered into force for The State of Palestine on 1 April 2015.
On 22 May 2018, pursuant to articles 13(a) and 14 of the Rome Statute, The State of Palestine referred to the Prosecutor the Situation since 13 June 2014, with no end date.
On 3 March 2021, the Prosecutor announced the opening of the investigation into the Situation in the State of Palestine. This followed Pre-Trial Chamber I’s decision on 5 February 2021 that the Court could exercise its criminal jurisdiction in the Situation and, by majority, that the territorial scope of this jurisdiction extends to Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.
On 17 November 2023, the Office of the Prosecutor received a further referral of the Situation in the State of Palestine, from South Africa, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Comoros, and Djibouti, and on 18 January 2024, the Republic of Chile and the United Mexican State additionally submitted a referral to the Prosecutor with respect to the situation in The State of Palestine.
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The ICJP referred case studies of four charities, including Trinity College Cambridge and Jewish National Fund UK, to the UN
UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights Situation in the Palestinian Territories Francesca Albanese speaks at a press conference at a session of the UN Human Rights Council, Geneva, 27 March 2024 (AFP)
A number of British charities have been referred to the United Nations special rapporteur for the occupied Palestinian territories, Francesca Albanese, over allegedly “aiding and abetting international crimes against Palestinians”.
These include both the University of Cambridge’s Trinity College and Jewish National Fund UK, a charity which has former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as honorary patrons.
The International Centre of Justice for Palestinians (ICJP), a UK-based rights group, announced on Monday that it had answered Albanese’s call for evidence ahead of a report to the UN Human Rights Council on “how the private sector has contributed to establishing and maintain Israel’s presence” in the occupied territories.
The ICJP said its submission explains the case studies of four charities, including Trinity College Cambridge and the UK arm of the Jewish National Fund.
Middle East Eye revealed in February that the prestigious Cambridge college, which is one of Britain’s wealthiest landowners, had $78,089 invested in Israel’s largest arms company, Elbit Systems, which produces 85 percent of the drones and land-based equipment used by the Israeli army.
MEE also reported that the college had millions of dollars invested in other companies arming, supporting and profiting from Israel’s war on Gaza.
On 7 May, the ICJP submitted a formal complaint to the Charity Commission requesting an investigation into Trinity’s investments. This followed the ICJP issuing two successive legal notices to the college in response to MEE’s initial report.
The latest development comes after Trinity was last week accused of “misleading” its students and others by failing to deny reports that it was divesting its investments in arms companies.
The ICJP has also referred the case of Jewish National Fund UK to the UN.
This follows the ICJP writing in August to Richard Hermer KC, the UK attorney general, urging him to revoke the organisation’s charitable status.
It has in the past been heavily criticised for its activities, which have included donating £1m to “Israel’s largest militia”.
In late November, MEE reported that the charity displays a map on its website including the occupied Golan Heights, West Bank and Gaza Strip as part of Israel.
Blair patron of charity that shows Gaza and West Bank as part of Israel
This contradicts the status of the territories under international law – and also contradicts the position of the British government, which recognises the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights as being under Israeli occupation.
ICJP Legal Officer Mira Naseer told MEE: “Sadly, there are countless examples of charities in the UK that are not acting according to charitable purposes.
“This includes colleges that invest in companies that are complicit in Israeli crimes and organisations that help perpetuate these crimes. They undermine the public’s trust in the charity sector altogether and the work of those who genuinely contribute to our society.”
She added: “Our submission to the call for input highlights cases from ICJP’s work, including Trinity College and JNF UK, as complicit third sector organisations.
“By shining a spotlight on third sector complicity, the UN Special Rapporteur has an opportunity to help fill the accountability gap that currently exists in the UK.”
The other charities the ICJP referred to the UN were UK Toremet, which has been accused of funding Israeli organisations that supply equipment to the Israeli military, and Achisomoch Aid Company, which the Charity Commission is investigating after an ICJP complaint earlier this year.
The company donated to an Israeli medical charity, Ezrat Achim, whose current activities include supplying what ICJP describes as “combat and tactical equipment” to Israeli soldiers.
In the face of immense challenges, Palestinians have demonstrated extraordinary ingenuity and creativity across various fields. From technology and medicine to art and culture, Palestinian innovations reflect a blend of resourcefulness, resilience, and an unyielding spirit.
Innovation Amid Adversity
The unique circumstances in Palestine have necessitated creative solutions to complex problems. Limited resources, restricted movement, and economic constraints have fueled a culture of innovation, where necessity becomes the mother of invention. Palestinian entrepreneurs, researchers, and artists have developed groundbreaking ideas that not only address local needs but also resonate globally.
Technology and Startups
Palestine’s burgeoning tech sector has become a hub of innovation. Cities like Ramallah and Gaza are home to startups working on cutting-edge projects, from app development to AI solutions. One notable example is Mashvisor, a Palestinian real estate analytics platform that helps investors make data-driven decisions.
Organizations like Gaza Sky Geeks, a tech hub based in Gaza, provide training, mentorship, and resources for young entrepreneurs. Despite the constraints of living in one of the most densely populated and blockaded areas in the world, these innovators are making their mark in the global tech ecosystem.
Agricultural Innovations
Palestinians have long been pioneers in sustainable agriculture. Traditional techniques, combined with modern approaches, have led to innovations in water-saving irrigation, organic farming, and crop resilience. For example, some Palestinian farmers are developing ways to grow crops in challenging conditions using minimal water resources, ensuring food security and sustainability.
Medicine and Science
Palestinian scientists and medical professionals have contributed significantly to global knowledge. In recent years, researchers at universities such as Birzeit University and Al-Quds University have published groundbreaking studies in fields ranging from cancer research to environmental science.
A standout example is Dr. Tarek Loubani, a Palestinian-Canadian physician who designed a low-cost stethoscope and 3D-printed medical tools to address shortages in Gaza’s healthcare system. His work exemplifies how Palestinian innovation meets critical needs with resourcefulness.
Arts and Culture
Palestinian artists and creatives are pushing boundaries in design, film, literature, and music. Organizations like Dar Jacir in Bethlehem serve as hubs for cultural production, fostering collaborations that span borders. Award-winning films like “Omar” and “The Present” have brought Palestinian stories to international audiences, blending innovative storytelling with powerful social messages.
Education and Empowerment
Palestinian educators and institutions are pioneering digital learning initiatives to overcome restrictions on physical access to schools. Programs like the UNRWA’s e-learning platform allow students in refugee camps to continue their education under difficult circumstances.
Additionally, coding bootcamps and STEM programs are empowering a new generation of innovators, particularly young women, who are breaking barriers in traditionally male-dominated fields.
A Global Impact
Palestinian innovations are a testament to the strength and creativity of a people striving to build a better future. Despite adversity, Palestinians are making strides in technology, science, and the arts, proving that innovation knows no boundaries.
By supporting Palestinian initiatives—whether through investment, collaboration, or amplification of their stories—we can help ensure that their contributions continue to shine on the global stage.
Palestinian innovations are more than solutions; they are a declaration of hope, resilience, and the boundless potential of human creativity.
