We stand firmly against injustice in all its forms. Nothing can justify the current war crimes committed by Israel in occupied Palestine. Equally, nothing can excuse the continued support offered by other nations to this apartheid regime. If you believe in human rights, dignity, and justice, then we urge you to boycott this rogue state. Silence is complicity, do what’s right.
For seventy-seven years, Palestinians have lived — and died — under the shadow of an occupation that refuses to end. Not a single day has passed since 1948 without Palestinian blood being spilled, homes being demolished, or families being driven from their land. The killing never stops because the system itself depends on it — a machinery of control that feeds on fear, humiliation, and the denial of basic human rights.
The Israeli occupation government continues to claim it seeks peace, yet its actions reveal a brutal truth: this is not self-defense, it is domination. The illegal occupation has become permanent. The blockade of Gaza — the world’s largest open-air prison — turns daily life into slow suffocation. Food, medicine, and clean water are withheld as tools of punishment. Starvation is used as a weapon, collective suffering turned into political leverage.
Even during declared ceasefires, the violence does not truly end. Palestinians continue to die — from sniper fire, from airstrikes, from the collapse of hospitals and homes, from the deliberate strangling of aid. Israel’s military control has become inseparable from Palestinian despair. It cannot stop because it has never been held accountable.
To speak of “returning to the status quo” before October 7, 2023, is to speak of returning to occupation, blockade, and humiliation — the very conditions that breed endless conflict. Real peace will never come from rebuilding walls or deepening segregation. It will come only when Palestinians are treated not as enemies to contain but as human beings with equal rights to safety, land, and dignity.
The world must stop accepting endless war as inevitable. It must stop funding and excusing apartheid policies that create starvation and displacement. Gaza does not need more bombs or empty promises — it needs open borders, aid, and the freedom to live.
The killing of Palestinians must end — not paused, not reduced, but ended. Justice, equality, and accountability are the only foundations on which Israelis and Palestinians can ever share true peace.
Demanding an end to the genocide in Gaza in a demonstration in Berlin (6/1/2023 Anatolia)
The German government’s initial response to the events of October 7 was to suspend financial aid to the “Palestinian people.” Despite the strangeness of the situation, when this government targets the “Palestinian people” with its decision, and not a specific political faction or governmental or non-governmental organization, it did not raise many questions at the time, given that Germany was not the only Western country that usually sided with Israel, and also talking about financial aid, and this is it’s right, it gives it to whomever it wants and withholds it from whom it does not want.
What the German government has no right to do, three months after the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, is to announce its participation, and not just its complicity, with Israel in the genocide it is committing in Gaza by joining the International Court of Justice as a third party to cover up the war crimes it is committing. The most extremist Israeli government, and allowing it to continue without deterrence from international law will stop it from committing its crime. Thus, the German government declares war on the Palestinian people, because genocide is being committed against the entire people, and not a specific political faction, which calls us to ask: How can we understand this behavior of the German government, especially the motives behind it?
Let us acknowledge, at the outset, that the position of the current German government headed by Olaf Schulz and affiliated with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) is not consistent with the historical position played by all previous German governments belonging to this party, as they made great efforts to be part of the solution, and not a partner party. In the conflict, it maintained a relative balance in which it supported Israel, but took a clear position regarding achieving the destiny of the Palestinian people and establishing their independent state on the 1967 borders, and an article by the representative of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (affiliated with the ruling party SPD) in the United States, Net Dethlefsen, in Foreign magazine Police on January 14, greatly illustrates the current deviation of the Schulz government from the historical positions of the party when he was governor.
Three factors may help us understand the position of the current German government. First, the traditional explanation that is always given for Germany’s bias towards Israel is its feeling of guilt towards the Jews and the Holocaust during World War II, which the German government carried out against them. It is an important explanation that tells us how German governments work to compensate for what was committed against the Jews, but it does not tell us how the feeling of guilt can cause violations by the German government against another defenceless people (the Palestinian people) who are suffering under occupation and are currently being subjected to genocide in order to be the victim of the victim. Thus, the German government is slowly slipping into becoming a partner in a new genocide, instead of atoning for its guilt in the first genocide.
Germany did everything possible to compensate for what it committed against the Jews in the 1940s, including apologies, financial compensation, and enacting laws that prevent even research into the Holocaust, which was not done by other countries that committed misdeeds and crimes against other peoples, such as Britain, which caused the catastrophe and suffering of the Palestinian people with the Balfour Declaration. The ill-fated (1917), for which it has not even apologized for more than a hundred years.
Secondly, there is another reason, perhaps represented by the “racism of the German government” and its treatment of other people with different degrees of rights and affiliations to humanity. Looking at the history of Germany itself, it is noted that genocide, unfortunately, is rooted in its history, like the genocide committed by (Kaiser) Germany. Colonialism against the Herero and Mama peoples in Namibia (1904 – 1908), in which more than one hundred thousand citizens were killed, because of their revolution against the German colonizer. Germany did not acknowledge the “genocide” it committed in Namibia until 2015, that is, more than a hundred years later, to apologize for it, and it did not provide compensation for the genocide it committed except 1.1 billion euros, paid over 30 years in the form of development aid, and this all that is. It seems here that there are degrees of victims, as this is the price of the extermination of the black Namibian and recognition after a hundred years, and the extermination of the brown Palestinian is not only without a price, but also contributes to it by providing cover for its perpetrators, the fascists of the Israeli government. As for atonement for the guilt of genocide of the white Jew by Schulz’s racist government, it will continue forever, even if this requires contributing to a new genocide, the price of which will be paid by the “brown Palestinian.” Here it is worth remembering that the main tool used by colonial Germany in the genocide in Namibia was “starvation” and “thirst” of the rebel people, and it is one of the tools that Israel uses today to starve and thirst the Palestinian people in Gaza, as its Minister of War, Gallant, stated when he said : No food or water to Gaza.
Third, there may be an ideological factor affecting the position of the German government, as the target of the current genocide is a Palestinian Arab people whose confrontation is led by an Islamic movement, “terrorist” as the German government considers it, as opposed to “the only democracy in the Middle East,” as Western governments in general like to call it, despite its implementation. A system of hateful racial discrimination that has been categorized by international human rights organizations, such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, and Israeli others, such as B’Tselem. The war, at the present time, in the view of the German government, is a war of “Islamic terrorism” against “democracy” on Western standards, which requires participation. The German government committed this genocide. This position carries implications not only for the Palestinians, but for the people of the region as a whole, how the German government understands it and what price it is worth to it.
The German government, therefore, declares war on the Palestinian people and not the other way around. Therefore, the Palestinian people have the right to respond to this unjustified war by the racist Schulz government. In the first place, the Palestinian Authority is required to sever its relationship with the current German government in order to be deterred from its aggression against the Palestinian people, and to become more in line with the historical positions of the SPD governments on the Palestinian issue. Here we must mention how the boycott of the Palestinian Authority contributed to the former US President, Donald Trump, in thwarting his ill-fated deal that targeted the entire Palestinian issue.
Palestinian civil society organizations have an important role to play in this issue, especially since a significant number of them have a liaison with the German government and the institutions emanating from it. At a time of genocide to which the Palestinian people are being subjected, there is no place for ambiguity, flattery, and similar positions. The racist Schulz government must hear the position clearly and unambiguously, and demonstrate in front of German representations not only in Palestine, but also in other Arab countries where demonstrations are permitted. Such as Lebanon, Tunisia and others.
The economic boycott of German products is one of the options available to Arabs and Palestinians, and let us remember that the German government’s racism and ideology include Arabs and Muslims in general, and therefore the Arab popular level is demanding that measures be taken against the German government’s racism, in order to preserve its human dignity, as it forces this government to deal with all people. On the same level of human belonging, and not who is first degree, and who is other degrees.
Finally, dialogue must be kept open at various levels until the German government realizes the evil of its actions and its sinful bias in favor of genocide against the Palestinian people. It is necessary to remember that the Palestinian people are not against Germany or its government, but are defending their existence and continuity!
For more than seventy years, the people of Palestine have lived under occupation, displacement, and constant fear. Yet Israel continues to speak of peace — as if peace can coexist with the daily reality of walls, checkpoints, and military control.
How can a nation claim to seek peace while stealing another people’s land and demolishing their homes? How can anyone justify the coexistence or expansion of illegal settlements and the uprooting of families by invoking divine promises? No true faith can sanctify injustice, and no moral principle can excuse oppression.
Israel often presents itself as a perpetual victim — a small nation surrounded by threats. But how long can that false narrative hold when one side possesses overwhelming power and the other lives under siege? How can the powerful remain victims while the powerless are starved and buried under rubble?
Palestinians are not merely numbers in a headline. They are mothers waiting at checkpoints, children growing up under drones, families forced from their homes, and communities cut off from one another by concrete walls and barbed wire. These are not the marks of peace or self-defense — they are the signs of a people being slowly erased from their homeland.
The separation walls and thousands of checkpoints have not brought safety; they have deepened division. True peace cannot come from fear, domination, or the silencing of another nation’s identity. It must be rooted in justice, in the recognition that every human being — Israeli or Palestinian — deserves freedom, dignity, and security.
The Israeli nation cannot feel safe while making millions of Palestinians live in constant insecurity. It cannot speak of democracy while enforcing apartheid laws and denying basic rights to those living under its control. Peace will not be achieved through might or divine entitlement, but through empathy, equality, and the courage to face uncomfortable truths.
One day, history will ask who stood for justice and who turned away. The answer will depend on whether humanity values compassion over conquest and truth over silence.
Real peace can never be built upon another people’s suffering. It begins only when freedom is shared — not stolen.
The complex history of Zionist movements reveals a strategic vision aimed at establishing a Jewish homeland in Palestine. These movements, often characterized as political forces, implemented well-thought-out strategies to secure control over the land. Below is a concise list of key Zionist organizations and their roles in shaping the territorial landscape of the region. The following eight Zionist organizations played integral roles in the strategic pursuit of territorial objectives in Palestine, contributing to the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and financing the systematic killing of Palestinians and dispossessing their homes and lands.
▪ Lovers of Zion (חובבי ציון)
Emerging in Russia in 1881 as a response to restrictions imposed on Jewish communities, the Lovers of Zion aimed to combat assimilation and promote the return to Zion. They laid the foundation for political Zionism and contributed significantly to the establishment of Jewish colonies in Palestine.
▪ Jewish Colonization Association (ייִק”אַ)
Established in 1891, the JCA, led by Baron Maurice de Hirsch, focused on relocating oppressed Jews to various parts of the world, including Palestine. It played a pivotal role in managing existing colonies, purchasing lands, and establishing new Jewish settlements, contributing substantially to the Zionist cause.
▪ World Zionist Organization (ההסתדרות הציונית העולמית)
Founded in 1897 after the First Zionist Congress, the WZO aimed to establish a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. It played a crucial role in the creation of strategic institutions, including the Jewish National Fund and the Jewish Colonial Trust, setting the stage for long-term Zionist objectives.
▪ Halutzim (Pioneers)
During the Second Aliyah (1904–1914), the Halutzim, or pioneers, migrated to Palestine to become agricultural workers, aligning their endeavors with the goal of territorial control. They laid the foundation for Zionist terrorist gangs, such as Hashomerand Haganah, which later integrated into the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF).
▪ Keren KayemethLeIsrael (KKL) – Jewish National Fund(קרן קיימת לישראל)
Established in 1901, KKL focused on acquiring and developing lands in Palestine. By the end of 1947, it possessed a substantial portion of the land area in Palestine, contributing significantly to the Zionist colonization effort.
▪ Keren Hayesod (קרן היסוד)
Established in 1920, Keren Hayesod (translated as The Foundation Fund) played a vital role in financing immigration and settlement activities in Palestine. It became the primary source of funds for the Jewish Agency, contributing extensively to the development of agricultural settlements, infrastructure, and various industries.
▪ Jewish National Council (הוועד הלאומי)
Founded in 1920, the Jewish National Council supported Zionist presence in Palestine until the establishment of the interim government in 1948. It collaborated closely with the Jewish Agency, representing Jewish settlers and outlining comprehensive political, economic, and military programs.
▪ Jewish Agency for Israel (הסוכנות היהודית לארץ ישראל)
Established in 1929, the Jewish Agency became a quasi-government for Jewish settlers in Palestine during the British Mandate. Its goals included increasing Jewish immigration, purchasing land, encouraging agricultural settlement, and preserving Hebrew language and heritage.
The ceasefire came like a rumor — soft, uncertain, and almost impossible to believe after so 2 years of Israeli genocide. In the refugee camps, in the crowded tents along the southern border, people did not cheer at first. They simply listened. For the first time in nearly two years, the skies were quiet.
When word spread that it was safe to return north, families gathered their few belongings: a pot, a blanket, a bag of bread. Children clung to their parents as they began the long walk back to what was once home.
What they found was silence and ruin. Streets that had once been filled with laughter and markets were unrecognizable — whole blocks turned into gray deserts of rubble. The air carried the sharp smell of dust and smoke. Somewhere beneath the broken walls, a piece of each family’s history was buried — a wedding dress, a Qur’an, a photograph.
“We’re Home, Even in the Rubble”
In the shattered remains of Shuja’iyya, Umm Khaled stood where her kitchen had been. Only the iron frame of a window was left. She picked up a cracked teacup from the ground and wiped it with the edge of her scarf. “We will make tea again,” she said, her voice trembling, “even if there are no walls around us.”
Around her, neighbors worked together — clearing debris, patching holes with scraps of plastic, building temporary roofs from metal sheets. There was no government, no electricity, no clean water, and yet there was a fierce determination. “They thought we would leave,” one young man said, “but where would we go? This is our land. We are not guests here.”
For many Gazans, simply staying has become a form of resistance. Through bombardment, siege, and hunger, they have held on to their small piece of earth, believing that survival itself is defiance.
The Shadow of Occupation
In parts of northern Gaza, residents returning to their homes still faced Israeli patrols and checkpoints. Some reported soldiers entering houses, searching rooms, shouting orders. People were told not to gather, not to sing, not to celebrate.
It felt, many said, as though even their relief was forbidden. “They destroyed everything we love,” said Yusuf, a schoolteacher, “and when we finally stopped running, they told us not to smile. It is as if only their joy matters, and ours must be silent.”
The war had ended on paper, but the occupation — its presence, its weight — remained everywhere: in the shattered power lines, in the absence of clean water, in the haunted eyes of the children who wake up screaming at night.
The Unanswered Questions
Human rights workers walking through the ruins documented the same patterns of Israeli war crimes seen before: bombed schools, collapsed hospitals, entire families buried beneath their homes. International law was supposed to prevent this — to protect civilians, to hold armies accountable. Yet for Gaza, justice has been a promise too often broken.
Many ask: how can a people be both victim and prisoner, starved and bombed, while the world looks on? How can law exist if those who violate it never face consequence? The rubble seems to whisper those questions louder than any voice can.
The Spirit That Endures
And yet, somehow, Gaza breathes. Children run through the ruins, chasing kites made of torn plastic bags. A few women bake bread in makeshift ovens, the smell of warm dough cutting through the scent of smoke. Artists paint the broken walls with doves, keys, and words of hope.
When asked how they endure, one young mother smiled faintly and said, “Because if we stop living, they win. Every breath we take here is our answer.”
Even amid the ruins, there is a stubborn beauty — a refusal to surrender the soul of a people.
Epilogue
Night falls over Gaza. The city glows dimly under candlelight. Families gather to share stories, their voices weaving together the memory of what was and the dream of what might still be.
No one knows what tomorrow will bring. But one thing is certain: Gaza remains. Its people, scarred but unbroken, continue to live — not as ghosts of genocide , but as witnesses of endurance, proof that even in the darkest places, humanity refuses to die.
