Why Do We Glorify War but Undervalue Those Who Sustain Life?

S. T. Salah, 8/11/26

Are soldiers more valuable to society than teachers? Are they more essential than the people who drive our buses, collect our rubbish, maintain our water supplies or keep our streets clean? Is their work inherently more honourable than caring for the elderly and sick, educating children, reporting the news or providing essential social services?

Why does society place soldiers on such a high pedestal while so many people whose daily work keeps society functioning receive far less recognition?

There is no question that military service can involve extraordinary danger, personal sacrifice and courage. Soldiers can face situations most of us will never experience. Their suffering and the sacrifices made by their families deserve recognition. But acknowledging their courage should not require us to place their profession above every other contribution to society.

The question is not whether soldiers deserve respect. It is why military service is surrounded by a level of reverence that other essential professions rarely receive.

Perhaps the answer lies not simply in what soldiers do, but in what governments need society to believe about what they do.

War is difficult to sell to ordinary people. It involves killing, destruction, displacement, disability, trauma and death. It demands that young men and women accept the possibility of losing their lives, often in conflicts whose political objectives they had little influence in shaping. To persuade people to make such sacrifices, military service must be presented as something noble, heroic and almost sacred.

This is where patriotism, nationalism and the language of honour become powerful political instruments.

The soldier is transformed into a national symbol. Military sacrifice becomes synonymous with loyalty, courage and service to the country. Questioning a war can then be portrayed as questioning the soldiers themselves, even when the real issue is the political decision to send them into battle.

But history offers an uncomfortable question: how many of the wars celebrated by governments were actually fought to protect ordinary people, and how many served the ambitions, economic interests and geopolitical rivalries of powerful individuals and states?

The British Empire: Patriotism and the price of conquest

The British Empire provides numerous examples of the enormous human cost of military expansion, colonial domination and the pursuit of economic and strategic interests.

In India, British colonial rule was accompanied by repeated famines, economic extraction, repression and military violence. The Bengal famine of 1769–1770 killed an estimated ten million people, although historical estimates vary. The Bengal famine of 1943 killed approximately 1.5 to 3 million people. Wartime economic policies, failures of administration, restrictions on supplies and the refusal to prioritise relief contributed to the catastrophe.

Some historical estimates suggest that 30 to 40 million people died in famines across India during the half-century following 1857. These deaths cannot all be attributed to a single policy or military campaign, but they demonstrate the devastating consequences of colonial economic and administrative systems.

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was met with brutal military retaliation. Executions, massacres and collective punishment followed. The rebellion was suppressed, and British Crown rule replaced East India Company government.

In Egypt, British military intervention in 1882 established a prolonged occupation, despite the country’s nominal relationship with the Ottoman Empire and its own political aspirations. The British priority was closely connected to maintaining strategic influence over the Suez Canal and imperial routes to India. The Egyptian nationalist revolution of 1919 was also violently suppressed by British forces, with hundreds of Egyptian deaths reported.

In Palestine, Britain made the Balfour Declaration in 1917, supporting the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in a country whose overwhelming majority was then Arab Palestinian. Britain subsequently administered Palestine under a League of Nations Mandate.

When Palestinians revolted against British rule and the political arrangements being imposed on their country between 1936 and 1939, Britain deployed approximately 20,000 troops and used collective punishment, house demolitions, executions and mass arrests. Approximately 5,000 Palestinians were killed during the revolt, alongside hundreds of Jewish and British deaths.

The consequences were devastating for Palestinian society and its ability to resist subsequent dispossession.

Britain did not single-handedly create Israel. The United Nations partition plan and the decisions of the Zionist leadership and other international powers were also central to its establishment. Nevertheless, British imperial policy, particularly the Balfour Declaration and the subsequent Mandate, played a fundamental role in shaping the political circumstances in which the state emerged.

The question that remains is why the aspirations of one population were given international political recognition while the national aspirations of the indigenous Palestinian population were repeatedly subordinated to the interests of outside powers.

The creation of Israel and the Palestinian catastrophe

The establishment of Israel in 1948 was accompanied by the Nakba, the catastrophe in which approximately 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled their homes. Hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages were destroyed or depopulated. Thousands of Palestinians were killed.

For Palestinians, this was not simply a war between competing armies. It was the destruction of communities, the loss of homes and land, and the beginning of generations of displacement and statelessness.

Since then, Palestinians have experienced military occupation, settlement expansion, land confiscation, restrictions on movement, unequal legal systems and repeated military assaults.

The distinction between Jewish people and the policies of the Israeli state is essential. Jewish communities, like all communities, are entitled to security, dignity and freedom from persecution. But that does not give Israeli government the right to deny Palestinian population the same rights as its happening  right now in the fascist Israeli apartheid regime. 

The occupation and discriminatory treatment of Palestinians have been extensively documented by international organisations. In 2024, the International Court of Justice concluded in its advisory opinion that Israel’s continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory was unlawful and that its policies and practices breached Palestinian rights.

The destruction in Gaza following 7 October 2023 has taken this tragedy to another level.

The United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry has concluded that Israeli authorities and forces committed genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Its October 2026 report also documented more than 75,000 Palestinian deaths across the occupied Palestinian territory since October 2023, including at least 21,500 children. The genocide case brought by South Africa against Israel remains before the International Court of Justice, and its final judgment is a separate matter.

How can military power be celebrated without examining what it is used to accomplish?

How can governments invoke democracy, human rights and international law while continuing to provide military, political and economic support to states accused of committing grave violations of those same principles?

The Palestinian experience demonstrates the dangers of allowing strategic alliances and geopolitical interests to take precedence over the rights and lives of ordinary people.

Vietnam: A war fought in the name of ideology

The Vietnam War is another example of the enormous human cost of political ambition presented as national security.

The United States intervened on a massive scale to prevent the spread of communism, invoking the domino theory and the need to defend the so-called free world.

Yet the conflict became a prolonged and devastating war involving bombing campaigns, chemical warfare, napalm, destruction of villages and enormous civilian suffering.

Estimates vary, but approximately two million Vietnamese civilians died. Around 1.1 million communist fighters and as many as 250,000 South Vietnamese military personnel were killed. More than 58,000 American service members also lost their lives.

Cambodia and Laos were also devastated by the wider conflict and the American bombing campaigns.

Agent Orange left a legacy of environmental contamination and serious health consequences that continued across generations.

In the end, the political objective of preventing communist unification failed. Vietnam was unified under communist rule in 1975.

What had been achieved at such an extraordinary human cost?

Were the Vietnamese children killed by bombs, the families displaced from their homes and the generations affected by chemical warfare any less valuable than the soldiers whose names were engraved on memorials?

Iraq: A war built on a false justification

The 2003 invasion of Iraq was justified publicly through claims that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction and represented an imminent threat.

Those weapons stockpiles were never found.

The invasion overthrew the Iraqi government, destroyed state institutions, destabilised the country and contributed to years of sectarian violence, insurgency and insecurity.

The human cost was catastrophic. Estimates vary considerably depending on whether researchers count documented violent deaths or include indirect deaths caused by the destruction of healthcare, sanitation, infrastructure and essential services.

A 2007 survey conducted by the British polling organisation Opinion Research Business estimated that approximately 1.03 million Iraqis had died as a result of the conflict since the invasion. Its reported uncertainty range was approximately 946,000 to 1.12 million.

Other major research produced lower estimates. A 2006 Johns Hopkins and Lancet study estimated approximately 655,000 excess deaths by July 2006. A subsequent national survey published in 2013 estimated approximately 461,000 excess deaths between 2003 and 2011.

Although the precise number remains disputed, the scale of the human catastrophe is undeniable.

The invasion was not authorised by a new, explicit United Nations Security Council resolution. Its legality was widely challenged.

British and American soldiers were sent to fight. Many returned with permanent physical injuries and psychological trauma. Others never returned. But the Iraqi population endured the destruction of its country, the loss of family members, displacement and years of insecurity.

The weapons of mass destruction that formed the central public justification for the invasion were never found.

How many people must die before governments are held accountable for the consequences of decisions made in their name?

Afghanistan: Twenty years of war and a return to the beginning

The invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 followed the terrorist attacks of 11 September.

The initial military objective was to destroy al-Qaeda’s operational base and remove the Taliban government that had provided it sanctuary. The subsequent occupation expanded into an ambitious project of nation-building, military intervention and political transformation.

Twenty years later, foreign forces withdrew and the Taliban returned to power.

The human cost was enormous. Brown University’s Costs of War project estimated that approximately 241,000 people died directly as a result of the Afghanistan war by 2021. Most were Afghans. This figure does not include the full indirect mortality associated with disease, hunger, displacement and the destruction of infrastructure.

Thousands of foreign service personnel also died, including 457 British military personnel.

What had two decades of fighting achieved for ordinary Afghans?

The country was left with immense human suffering, displacement, destroyed communities and an uncertain future. Women and girls faced renewed restrictions on their freedoms.

The courage of individual soldiers cannot answer the question of whether the political objectives were achieved or whether the enormous sacrifice was justified.

Other wars and interventions that deserve scrutiny

The examples do not end with the British Empire, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan.

The Korean War, between 1950 and 1953, killed millions of people. Estimates vary, but civilian deaths alone are commonly placed in the millions. The peninsula remains divided, and the political conflict that helped drive the war has never been resolved.

The Algerian War of Independence against French colonial rule, between 1954 and 1962, killed hundreds of thousands and, according to some historical estimates, approached one million people. Torture, massacres and widespread repression accompanied the French campaign to retain colonial control.

The American bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam era contributed to enormous civilian suffering and political destabilisation. Estimates of the number killed by the bombing vary considerably, and the wider Cambodian catastrophe subsequently included the mass killings committed by the Khmer Rouge.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 brought another decade of devastation. Hundreds of thousands of Afghans were killed, millions displaced and the country left deeply destabilised.

The Suez Crisis of 1956 saw Britain, France and Israel invade Egypt following President Nasser’s nationalisation of the Suez Canal. The operation was driven by strategic and political interests, and was condemned internationally. Egyptian civilians and military personnel suffered the consequences.

The 1990–1991 Gulf War, the subsequent sanctions regime against Iraq and later military interventions all had profound consequences for Iraqi society. The human cost cannot be understood by counting only those killed directly by weapons.

In Libya, the 2011 NATO-led intervention was justified partly through the protection of civilians. Muammar Gaddafi’s government fell, but the country subsequently experienced prolonged instability, rival governments, armed militias and continuing violence.

In Yemen, the Saudi-led military intervention, supported by several Western governments through arms sales and military assistance, contributed to one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises. The conflict has caused extensive civilian deaths, displacement, hunger and the destruction of essential services.

These examples differ in their origins, legal circumstances and responsibility for particular atrocities. They should not be treated as identical. But they all raise an important question about the relationship between military power, political ambition and human suffering.

Who benefits from war?

Wars are rarely presented to the public as exercises in economic or geopolitical competition. They are presented as struggles for freedom, security, democracy, national survival or the defence of civilisation.

Yet behind many conflicts lie strategic resources, control of territory, access to trade routes, regional influence, arms markets and the political survival of governments.

The military-industrial complex has a direct economic interest in continued military expenditure. Arms manufacturers, defence contractors and companies providing military services can make enormous profits from prolonged insecurity and military expansion.

This does not mean that every war is initiated by arms manufacturers or that every military intervention is motivated by profit. It does mean that the financial interests surrounding militarism deserve scrutiny.

The ordinary soldier rarely shares in these profits. Neither does the civilian whose home is destroyed, the child who loses a parent or the family forced to flee across borders.

Those who make the decisions about war are often far removed from the consequences. Political leaders do not normally send their own children to the front line. Their decisions are implemented by ordinary people, many of whom come from working-class backgrounds and have limited influence over foreign policy.

Patriotism and nationalism help bridge that gap. They turn complicated political and economic interests into simple emotional messages about defending the flag, protecting national honour and standing against an enemy.

Questioning the war can then become confused with betraying the country.

But loving one’s country should never mean surrendering the right to question its government.

Indeed, genuine patriotism should include the responsibility to challenge unjust policies, oppose unnecessary wars and protect the lives of people whose interests are being sacrificed for political ambition.

The forgotten heroes of everyday life

While soldiers receive national ceremonies, medals and elaborate public recognition, consider the people whose work quietly sustains society.

The teacher who educates generations of children.

The nurse who cares for patients through the night.

The doctor who saves lives.

The care worker who supports elderly people who can no longer look after themselves.

The bus driver who gets thousands of people to work.

The sanitation worker whose absence would quickly make entire communities uninhabitable.

The journalist who exposes corruption and holds governments accountable.

The social worker who protects vulnerable children and families.

These people rarely receive the same cultural glorification. Yet society could not function without them.

Their contribution is not measured by how many enemies they defeat or how much destruction they can inflict. It is measured by what they build, maintain, protect and give to others.

A healthy society should celebrate those who preserve life as much as, if not more than, those trained to take it.

It should value prevention over destruction, education over indoctrination, diplomacy over confrontation and human welfare over military prestige.

There is no reason why respecting soldiers should require placing them above teachers, doctors, cleaners, carers or other essential workers. Nor should the suffering of soldiers be used to shield political leaders from scrutiny of the decisions that put them in danger.

The real question is not whether soldiers can be brave. Of course they can.

It is whether the causes they are asked to fight for deserve the sacrifices demanded of them.

Perhaps the measure of a nation’s greatness should not be how proudly it displays its military power, how many weapons it possesses or how many wars it can win.

Perhaps it should be measured by how well it educates its children, cares for its vulnerable, protects its workers, respects other nations and resolves its conflicts without sending another generation to die.

A society that glorifies war while undervaluing those who sustain human life has its priorities seriously confused.

Posted in Gaza, Justice, Massacres & genocides, News from the apartheid, Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian diaspora, Palestinian history, S. T. Salah, UK, USA | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

America’s Shameless Complicity with Israel’s Genocide

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Trump’s Ethnic Cleansing Plan for Gaza: A Racist, Callous Endorsement of Genocide

Caitlin Johnston and  Phalapoem editor, 4/02/2025

Grinning like a cat that ate the canary, Hague fugitive Benjamin Netanyahu sat beside Donald Trump as the former U.S. president laid out a vision for Gaza that can only be described as outright ethnic cleansing. With chilling indifference to the tens of thousands of Palestinians slaughtered by Israel’s relentless bombardment, Trump declared on Tuesday that the plan for Gaza is not reconstruction, not humanitarian aid—but the permanent removal of all Palestinians from their homeland.

“I don’t think people should be going back to Gaza,” Trump said, as if the forced displacement of over two million people was a minor logistical issue rather than a war crime. “I think that Gaza has been very unlucky for them. They’ve lived like hell.”

Notably absent from his remarks was any acknowledgment of who created this “hell.” Gaza was not struck by a natural disaster—it was systematically destroyed by Israel with U.S. weapons, in what human rights experts, legal scholars, and even the International Court of Justice have described as plausible genocide. Yet Trump, in his usual detached and dehumanizing manner, spoke as if Palestinians simply had bad luck, as though they were victims of fate rather than a deliberate campaign of extermination.

Asked whether Palestinians would have a right to return after Gaza is rebuilt, Trump made it clear: there is no future for them in their own land. Instead, his “solution” is to build them housing in other countries—so luxurious, he claims, that they will simply forget about their homeland.

“It would be my hope that we could do something really nice, really good, where they wouldn’t want to return,” he said, adding, “I hope that we could do something where they wouldn’t want to go back. Who would want to go back? They’ve experienced nothing but death and destruction.”

This is nothing less than a grotesque justification for ethnic cleansing. The logic is clear: Palestinians have suffered so much that the “humane” solution is to expel them completely. Never mind that their suffering was inflicted by Israel. Never mind that their homeland, their families, their history, and their roots are there. In Trump’s racist worldview, Palestinians are not a people with rights, dignity, or self-determination—they are an obstacle to be removed.

When asked how many people he wanted to remove from Gaza, Trump’s answer was blunt: “All of them.”

Then, as if to put an imperial cherry on top, Trump announced that the U.S. would “take over” and “own” Gaza, overseeing its reconstruction.

“The U.S. will take over the Gaza Strip, and we will do a job with it, too,” Trump boasted. “We’ll own it and be responsible for dismantling all of the dangerous unexploded bombs and other weapons on the site, level the site and get rid of the destroyed buildings—level it out. Create an economic development that will supply unlimited numbers of jobs and housing for the people of the area.”

Given that Trump had just said he plans to remove every Palestinian from Gaza, it’s obvious who he envisions benefiting from this “economic development.” This is textbook settler-colonialism: destroy an indigenous population, steal their land, and then profit from its reconstruction. Gaza, in Trump’s mind, is not a home to millions of people—it is a piece of real estate waiting to be repurposed.

Trump’s Racist Indifference to Palestinian Lives

At no point did Trump express sympathy for the more than 61,700 Palestinians killed, most of them women and children. He did not mourn the 20,000 children bombed to death in their own homes, the mass graves discovered beneath the rubble of Israeli airstrikes, or the deliberate starvation campaign being waged against the survivors. He did not condemn the indiscriminate bombing of hospitals, schools, and refugee camps.

Instead, he spoke only of the land—who would control it, who would develop it, and how to ensure that Palestinians never return. It is a level of dehumanization so extreme that it would not be out of place in the darkest chapters of history.

And it should come as no surprise. Trump has long viewed Palestinians as subhuman, openly mocking their suffering and treating Israel’s crimes as mere political favors for his Zionist donors. In 2020, when asked about Israel’s brutal military occupation of the West Bank, he dismissed the issue entirely, saying: “That’s their problem.” When Palestinians protested their oppression, he called them “terrorists” and greenlit Israel’s expansion of illegal settlements. He moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem as a gift to Sheldon Adelson, one of his biggest campaign donors, bragging that the billionaire called him “the greatest president for Israel in history.”

This is not just about Trump’s personal racism—it is about the racist system he represents. The United States has spent decades enabling Israeli apartheid, funding its war crimes, and shielding it from consequences. Trump is merely saying the quiet part out loud: in the eyes of American empire, Palestinians have no right to exist on their own land.

Ethnic Cleansing Disguised as “Humanitarian Aid”

Trump’s plan is not just racist; it is an outright war crime. Forced displacement of an occupied population is a violation of international law, and his call to erase Gaza’s Palestinian identity is the very definition of ethnic cleansing. Yet he presents it as a humanitarian solution, pretending that driving an entire population into permanent exile is an act of kindness.

This has always been the playbook of colonial powers: commit genocide, then claim the survivors will be better off somewhere else. The idea that Palestinians should be grateful for their dispossession is as cruel as it is absurd. But Trump is not alone in pushing this narrative—his rhetoric aligns perfectly with Israel’s long-standing goal of making Gaza uninhabitable to force its people into exile.

The World Must Reject This Racist Agenda

Trump’s callous disregard for Palestinian lives, his enthusiastic endorsement of ethnic cleansing, and his eagerness to “own” Gaza like a conquered colony must be condemned in the strongest terms. The genocide unfolding in Gaza is not just Israel’s doing—it is backed and enabled by the U.S., and Trump is making it clear that if he returns to power, he will take it even further.

The world cannot allow Trump’s racist vision to become reality. Gaza belongs to the Palestinians. They have the right to live on their land, to return to their homes, and to exist with dignity and freedom. No amount of imperial posturing or billionaire-funded propaganda can erase that truth.

The genocide must be stopped. The ethnic cleansing must be resisted. And Trump’s open racism and dehumanization of Palestinians must be exposed for exactly what it is: a dangerous, genocidal ideology that must be defeated.

Posted in Caitlin Johnstone, Gaza, Massacres & genocides, Palestinian history, Phalapoem editor | Tagged , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Has the genocide in Gaza made Israel more secure?

Profesor Richard Wolf, 4/11/26


Watch

Posted in Evidence of Israeli Fascism and Nazism and Genocide, Massacres & genocides, Media, UK, USA, Videos | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

”Genocide Joe! Stop the War in Gaza”

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The Palestinians Are the Best People on Earth at Defending Their Homeland

Phalapoem editor, 17/01/2025

Source: Haaretz

A visual representation inspired by the article, capturing the themes of resilience, defiance, and hope. Source ChatGPT

This is the headline of an editorial in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz titled: The Palestinians Are the Best People on Earth at Defending Their Homeland.

Can you believe that the editorial of Israel’s largest newspaper today speaks the truth about Palestinians, recognizing them as one of the most determined peoples on earth who have risen to defend their rights after 75 years as if they were one unified entity?

Here is the Haaretz editorial translated from Hebrew:

What follows is one of the rarest reflections of a living conscience, the finest fruits of intellectual freedom, and the most remarkable acknowledgment of the truth. The writer states:

“During the war on Gaza and the launching of rockets by the resistance, our losses every three days exceeded $912 million. This included aircraft missions, Patriot missile costs, refueling military vehicles, and the use of all types of munitions and rockets. Add to that the halt of commercial activities, the stock market collapse, and the cessation of most institutions, construction projects, and agricultural, industrial, and commercial sectors. Millions of dollars were lost due to the death of poultry on farms, the shutdown of airports and train lines, and the costs of feeding people fleeing to shelters. Not to mention the destruction of homes, shops, vehicles, and factories caused by Palestinian resistance rockets.

We are waging a war we initiated, ignited, and fueled, but we are not in control of it, and certainly not the ones who will end it. Its conclusion is definitely not in our favor, especially since the Arab cities in Israel have surprised everyone with their sweeping uprising against us after we thought they had lost their Palestinian compass.

This is a bad omen for a state whose politicians now realize their calculations were entirely wrong and their policies lacked the vision they needed.

As for the Palestinians, they truly are the rightful owners of the land. Who but the rightful owners would defend their land with their lives, money, and children with such ferocity, pride, and determination?

As a Jew, I challenge the entire state of Israel to show such loyalty, connection, and rootedness to this land. If our people were truly committed to the land of Palestine, we would not witness the massive migration of Jews at the airports, fleeing the moment the war began—despite the fact that we have subjected the Palestinians to killing, imprisonment, siege, separation, and even flooded their society with drugs. We invaded their minds with absurd ideas to distract them from their religion, such as secularism, atheism, and moral corruption.

But the strange thing is that even someone addicted to drugs will rise to defend their land and Al-Aqsa Mosque as if they were a pious Sheikh shouting, ‘Allahu Akbar.’ They know what awaits them: humiliation, arrest, and worse. Yet they never hesitate to go and pray at Al-Aqsa.

Ironically, armies of entire nations with all their weapons have not dared to do what the Palestinian resistance achieved in a few days. The invincible Israeli soldier has been exposed—killed, captured, and humiliated.

Now that Tel Aviv has tasted the resistance’s rockets, it would be better for us to abandon our delusional dream of Greater Israel. There must be a Palestinian state neighboring us, living in peace with us, and us with them. Only this can extend our survival on this land for a few more years.

I believe that even if we managed to survive as a Jewish state for ten more years, a day will inevitably come when we pay the full price. The Palestinians will rise again and again, and next time, they will march to Tel Aviv on horseback.”

Posted in Gaza, Haaretz, Massacres & genocides, News from the apartheid, Palestinian art & culture, Phalapoem editor | Tagged , , , , , | 1 Comment

The Arrogance of Ignorance: Robert Kennedy’s Misrepresentation of 500 Million Arabs

Phalapoem editor, 30/10/26

There is something deeply revealing about a public figure who attempts to measure the intellectual worth of 500 million people by counting Nobel Prizes and prestigious international awards.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s claim that 500 million Arabs neither produce science, win prestigious international awards nor create literature is not simply an inaccurate observation. It is a sweeping dismissal of an entire population, its history, its intellectual achievements and its contribution to human civilisation.

It deserves a response grounded in history, facts and reason.

Long before modern Western scientific institutions existed, scholars from the Arab world and the wider Islamic civilisation were making discoveries that helped shape mathematics, medicine, astronomy, chemistry, optics and philosophy.

Al-Khwarizmi’s contributions to algebra helped establish foundations of modern mathematics. Ibn al-Haytham transformed the study of optics and scientific investigation. Al-Razi made important contributions to medicine and clinical observation. Ibn Sina’s medical writings influenced medical education across continents for centuries.

These were not marginal contributions. They were part of the intellectual foundations upon which subsequent generations of scientists built.

And this is not merely a matter of distant history.

Have Kennedy and those repeating his statement heard of Naguib Mahfouz, the Egyptian novelist awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1988? Ahmed Zewail, the Egyptian chemist awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1999 for his work on femtochemistry? Mohamed ElBaradei, the Egyptian diplomat awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005? Tawakkol Karman, the Yemeni journalist and human rights activist who shared the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011? Omar Yaghi, the Jordanian-born chemist who received the 2025 Nobel Prize in Chemistry?

These individuals are not exceptions that rescue an otherwise empty history. They are visible examples of a much broader intellectual, scientific and literary tradition.

Arab writers, researchers, physicians, engineers, mathematicians, poets and artists contribute to knowledge and culture across the world. Many work in universities and research institutions far beyond their countries of birth.

Perhaps the more important question is why Kennedy believes that the number of international awards is an appropriate measure of the intellectual capacity of an entire population.

Scientific achievement does not emerge in a vacuum. It requires functioning universities, research funding, political stability, freedom of expression, international collaboration, laboratories, libraries and institutions that protect intellectual independence.

These conditions have not been equally available across the Arab world.

Wars, colonial legacies, foreign intervention, authoritarian government, political instability, economic inequality and the destruction of educational and research infrastructure have all affected scientific and cultural development in different countries and at different times.

Consider the destruction of universities, libraries, laboratories and schools in Gaza. Consider the displacement of academics, students, researchers and writers. Consider generations whose opportunities to study, investigate and create have been interrupted by conflict and occupation.

To ignore these circumstances and then use the resulting inequalities as evidence of intellectual inferiority is to confuse the consequences of political and historical conditions with the inherent abilities of human beings.

There is also a fundamental problem with Kennedy’s choice of measurement.

Nobel Prizes are prestigious awards, but they are not a comprehensive register of scientific discovery, literary excellence or human intelligence. Millions of valuable contributions to science, medicine, engineering, literature and the arts never receive international recognition.

The absence of a Nobel Prize does not mean the absence of scientific achievement. The absence of an international award does not mean the absence of creativity, knowledge or intellectual excellence.

By that logic, countless talented people from every nation and culture would have to be dismissed simply because their work has not received a particular award.

It is an absurd standard.

Arabic is one of the world’s major literary languages, with a literary heritage extending over many centuries. Its poetry, philosophy, novels, historical writing and scholarship form an extraordinary body of human expression.

Arab civilisation has contributed to mathematics, medicine, astronomy, architecture, geography, literature and the preservation and development of knowledge.

Its achievements belong not only to Arabs but to the shared intellectual history of humanity.

Modern scientific progress is similarly international. Researchers collaborate across nationalities, languages and borders. Their discoveries belong to the scientific community and benefit humanity as a whole.

Instead of dismissing 500 million people, perhaps the more meaningful questions would be why some countries have the resources to invest heavily in scientific research while others struggle to maintain their universities. Why are so many talented Arab researchers compelled to pursue their careers abroad? Why do war, occupation, displacement and political repression repeatedly deprive young generations of educational opportunities? And why should the achievements of an entire population be judged by awards rather than by its actual contributions to humanity?

These are questions worthy of serious discussion. A sweeping insult is not.

Robert Kennedy’s statement should be challenged not because Arabs require anyone’s permission to be recognised as intellectually capable, but because historical facts should matter, particularly when public figures make claims about entire populations.

Five hundred million people cannot be reduced to a stereotype. They are individuals with different talents, experiences, ambitions, beliefs and achievements. They are scientists and doctors, teachers and engineers, writers and poets, students and researchers.

No population has a monopoly on intelligence, creativity or scientific achievement. Nor does any population deserve to have its collective worth measured by the prejudices of a political figure.

The history of human civilisation is a shared history. Arab contributions are an inseparable part of it.

The problem is not that 500 million Arabs have failed to produce science, literature or intellectual achievement. The problem is that someone can make such an extraordinary claim while apparently knowing so little about the people he is dismissing.

Posted in Middle East, Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian history, Phalapoem editor, USA | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

Empire of Blood: America’s Hegemony and the Human Cost of Endless Wars

By Phalapoem editor, 14/12/2024

The history of the United States is deeply intertwined with conflict, both in its formation and its evolution into a global superpower. Since its founding in 1776, America has been involved in numerous wars, driven by varying motivations such as independence, territorial expansion, colonialism, ideological competition, and global influence. These wars have taken an immense human toll, with hundreds of millions of lives lost both in the U.S. and abroad. Today, America’s involvement in global wars continues to shape the political and humanitarian landscape.

Below is an overview of America’s major historical wars and its role in more recent and ongoing wars  around the world.

The Indian Wars (1776–1924): The Indian Wars, a series of conflicts between American settlers and Native American tribes during westward expansion, resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of people, primarily Native Americans: 

• Native Americans
An estimated 4,700,000 Native Americans were killed from the arrival of Europeans until the 19th century. By the end of the Indian Wars in the late 19th century, fewer than 238,000 Indigenous people remained. 

• White people
Census.gov estimates that more than 5,000 white men, women, and children were killed in individual affairs with Native Americans since 1775. 

The Indian Wars were driven by a number of factors, including: 

• Settler greed: Settlers wanted the land and natural resources of the Native Americans. 

• Hostility: American hostility and suspicion toward Native Americans was increased by their collusion with the British during the American Revolution and the War of 1812. 

• Racial hatred: Settlers viewed Native Americans as different, and painted them as pagan savages who needed to be killed in the name of civilization and Christianity.

The American Revolutionary War (1775–1783)

The Revolutionary War, fought against Great Britain, was driven by the colonies’ desire for independence and opposition to British taxation without representation.  An estimated 25,000 American soldiers lost their lives, laying the foundation for the United States. Civilian casualties: 25,000–50,000 (from direct violence, disease, and famine).

The War of 1812 (1812–1815)

Often called America’s “Second War of Independence,” this conflict resulted in 15,000 American deaths and reinforced the nation’s sovereignty despite ending in a stalemate. Civilian casualties: 2,000–3,000 (mostly from raids and blockades).

The Mexican-American War (1846–1848)

Stemming from territorial disputes after Texas declared independence from Mexico, this war led to the U.S. annexing vast swaths of land. Around 13,000 American soldiers died, while tens of thousands of Mexican soldiers and civilians also lost their lives. Civilian casualties: 25,000–50,000, primarily Mexican civilians affected by fighting, disease, and famine.

The American Civil War (1861–1865)

The bloodiest conflict in U.S. history, the Civil War was fought between the Northern states (Union) and the Southern states (Confederacy) over issues of slavery, states’ rights, and secession. It resulted in an estimated 620,000 to 750,000 deaths, including soldiers from both sides and countless civilians. 

The Spanish-American War (1898)

This short war marked America’s emergence as a global power. Approximately 2,500 Americans died, mostly from disease rather than combat, while the total death toll in Cuba and the Philippines was far higher, including civilian casualties.

World War I (1917–1918): Over 

Though initially neutral, the U.S. entered World War I in 1917. America’s intervention was pivotal in tipping the scales toward an Allied victory. Over 116,000 American soldiers lost their lives, and the global death toll from the war exceeded 16 million, including military and civilian casualties.

World War II (1941–1945): 

After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the U.S. entered World War II, fighting on multiple fronts. Over 405,000 American soldiers were killed. Globally, World War II was the deadliest conflict in human history, with total deaths estimated at 70–85 million, including millions of civilians and victims of genocide.

The Korean War (1950–1953)

As the Cold War intensified, the U.S. intervened in Korea to prevent the spread of communism. The war resulted in over 36,000 American deaths and an estimated 2–3 million deaths overall, including a significant number of Korean civilians.

The Vietnam War (1955–1975)

The Vietnam War was one of America’s most controversial conflicts. Over 58,000 American soldiers died, and an estimated 3 million Vietnamese people—including civilians—were killed during the protracted and devastating war.

The Gulf War (1990–1991)

Triggered by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, the Gulf War resulted in a relatively low number of American casualties—294 deaths. However, tens of thousands of Iraqi soldiers and civilians lost their lives during the conflict.

The War on Terror (2001–Present)

After the September 11 attacks, the U.S. launched the War on Terror, resulting in protracted conflicts:

• Afghanistan (2001–2021): Over 2,400 American soldiers died, alongside an estimated 243,000 total deaths, including civilians.

• Iraq (2003–2011): The invasion, based on false claims of weapons of mass destruction, led to the deaths of 4,500 American soldiers and over 300,000 Iraqis, many of them civilians.

• Syria: While not a full-scale war, the U.S. has provided significant military and financial support to various groups in the Syrian Civil War, which has killed over 500,000 people and displaced millions.

Libya war (2011–Present)

In 2011, the U.S. and NATO intervened in Libya to overthrow Muammar Gaddafi. The intervention destabilized the country, leading to ongoing civil war and a humanitarian crisis. Tens of thousands have died, and Libya remains fractured by conflict. Estimates of deaths in the 2011 are up to 30,000 casualties.

Yemen war (2014–Present)

The U.S. has supported Saudi Arabia’s intervention in Yemen, providing weapons and intelligence in a war that has killed over 377,000 people, including civilians, and caused one of the worst humanitarian crises of the century, with famine and disease ravaging the population.

Ukraine war (2022–Present)

While not directly involved in combat, the U.S. has played a significant role in supporting Ukraine against Russia’s invasion, providing billions in military aid. The war has caused over 500,000 casualties and displaced millions, with no end in sight.

Sudan and the Darfur war (2003–Present)

The U.S. has engaged diplomatically and provided humanitarian aid in response to Sudan’s ongoing conflicts, particularly in Darfur, where genocidal violence has claimed over 300,000 lives and displaced millions.

Israeli genocide  in Gaza

The ongoing Israeli occupation war  on Gaza, particularly in 2023–2024, has been described by Amnesty International as genocidal in nature. The U.S. has been a steadfast ally of Israel, providing military aid and diplomatic support. Since the escalation of violence, over 44,000 Palestinians, the majority civilians, have been killed, including women and children. Gaza’s humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate, with millions facing ethnic cleansing, starvation, and lack of medical care. U.S. backing  had enabled Israel’s war crimes on occupied people living in a contraction camp and under apartheid regime. 

The Human Cost of America’s Wars

The cumulative toll of America’s wars is staggering. Over 1.3 million American military personnel have died in conflict. Globally, the death toll from U.S.-involved wars—whether directly or through proxies exceeds tens of millions, with civilians often bearing the brunt. From the streets of Gaza to the ruins of Aleppo, the effects of racist America’s military policies and alliances are visible in ongoing humanitarian crises.

Reflection and Responsibility

Unjustified and racist America’s wars have shaped its identity, expanded its influence, and defined its role as a global power. However, they have also left a legacy of genocide, destruction, starvation, disease, ethnic cleansing, and mass immigration. As the U.S. continues to illegally engage in global conflicts, it faces a critical moral question: how to balance its power with a commitment to peace and justice in a world still ravaged by war.

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The United States’ Vetoes Against Palestine: A Legacy of Enabling Oppression

By Phalapoem editor, 4/12/2024

For decades, the United States has wielded its veto power in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to shield Israel from accountability and obstruct justice for Palestinians. This pattern of vetoes, often in response to resolutions condemning Israeli actions or supporting Palestinian rights, has played a significant role in prolonging the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and enabling Israel’s continued violations of international law.

Since 1972, the U.S. has used its veto power more than 50 times on issues related to Israel and Palestine. These vetoes have blocked resolutions that addressed critical issues, including illegal settlements in the West Bank, military aggression in Gaza, and the recognition of Palestinian statehood. Each veto represents not just a vote against the resolution itself but a broader message of complicity and indifference toward Palestinian suffering.

Examples of Notable U.S. Vetoes

1. 1982: Condemning Israel’s Invasion of Lebanon

The U.S. vetoed a resolution condemning Israel’s invasion of Lebanon and its targeting of Palestinian refugees in the Sabra and Shatila massacres. The veto effectively excused acts of mass violence and reinforced Israel’s impunity on the international stage.

2. 2011: Condemning Israeli Settlements

A UNSC resolution declaring Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal and demanding a halt to their expansion was vetoed by the Obama administration. This veto came despite overwhelming international consensus and even criticism from U.S. allies. It signaled a refusal to challenge Israel’s expansionist policies, which remain a central obstacle to peace.

3. 2017: Recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s Capital

After President Trump unilaterally declared Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, the UNSC proposed a resolution rejecting this recognition. The U.S. vetoed the resolution, isolating itself internationally and undermining its role as a neutral broker in the peace process.

The Impact of U.S. Vetoes

These vetoes have had far-reaching consequences:

• Undermining International Law: By blocking resolutions that call for Israel to adhere to international law, the U.S. has effectively allowed Israel to operate above the law. Illegal settlements, collective punishment, and the blockade of Gaza continue without meaningful consequences.

• Perpetuating Palestinian Oppression: The vetoes have denied Palestinians justice, accountability, and recognition on the world stage. They have emboldened Israel to pursue policies of displacement, land theft, and military aggression without fear of international repercussions.

• Eroding U.S. Credibility: The U.S.’s unwavering support for Israel, even in the face of documented human rights violations, has tarnished its reputation as a defender of democracy and human rights. This double standard fuels anti-American sentiment globally and undermines U.S. legitimacy in mediating conflicts elsewhere.

• Stalling Peace Efforts: By consistently siding with Israel, the U.S. has sabotaged numerous opportunities for progress in the peace process. Palestinian aspirations for statehood and self-determination remain unfulfilled, while the conflict deepens.

A Pattern of Bias and Complicity

The U.S.’s repeated use of its veto power in favor of Israel highlights a clear bias rooted in geopolitical interests, domestic political pressure, and the influence of pro-Israel lobbying groups like AIPAC. While many American officials justify these vetoes as support for an ally, they fail to acknowledge the human cost of enabling Israel’s occupation and aggression.

The Need for Accountability

The U.S.’s veto record on Palestine represents a moral and political failure. It is a stark reminder that justice and international law are often subordinated to political expediency and strategic alliances. To foster a just and lasting peace, the international community must hold all parties accountable, including Israel, and challenge the U.S.’s role in perpetuating this unjust status quo.

The question remains: How long will the world allow a single nation’s veto to block justice and deny the Palestinian people their fundamental rights? The answer lies in the collective will of the global community to confront this imbalance and demand an end to the era of unaccountable power.

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Even Anal torture is tolerated…

Phalapoem editor, 29/10/26

Screenshot
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Israel’s military attache in Belgium referred to ICC for alleged war crimes

Colonel Moshe Tetro has been accused of ‘orchestrating starvation and targeting healthcare facilities’

Israeli army Colonel Moshe Tetro, head of coordination and liaison at COGAT, the Israeli defence ministry body handling civil affairs in Gaza, holds a press conference at the Kerem Shalom border crossing with the southern Gaza Strip on December 22, 2023, amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas. (Photo by Alberto PIZZOLI / AFP)

Colonel Moshe Tetro holds a press conference at the Kerem Shalom border crossing with the southern Gaza Strip on 22 December 2023 (AFP)

By MEE staff

Source

Published date: 3 December 2024

Israel‘s new military attache in Belgium has been accused of war crimes by the Hind Rajab Foundation, a Brussels-based non-profit organisation.

Colonel Moshe Tetro served as head of the Israeli military unit responsible for coordinating aid into the besieged Gaza Strip earlier this year.

The Hind Rajab Foundation’s chair, Dyab Abou Jahjah, described Moshe as a “key figure in the implementation of Israeli policy towards hospitals and the strategy of famine and thirst as a weapon of war”.

The foundation said it has filed a complaint with the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Tetro, highlighting his “role in orchestrating starvation and targeting healthcare facilities”.

Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and its former defence minister, Yoav Gallant, are subjects of ICC arrest warrants for alleged war crimes – including using starvation as a weapon of war. 

Earlier this month, UN special rapporteur on Palestine Francesca Albanese told Middle East Eye that the ICC should seek warrants for more Israeli leaders. 

The Hind Rajab Foundation announced on Tuesday that it has sent a letter to Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs urging it to refuse accreditation to Tetro as a military attache.

“Allowing Moshe Tetro to serve in Belgium would be an endorsement of his crimes,” Abou Jahjah asserted.

“Belgium must uphold its commitment to justice and send a clear message that war criminals have no place in our institutions or our society.”

The foundation said on Tuesday that Tetro’s role in “directing attacks on hospitals, including Naser Hospital in Khan Yunis and al-Shifa hospital in Gaza City, represents a blatant violation of international humanitarian law”.

Evidence submitted to the ICC reportedly includes records of his “direct communication with hospital directors before orchestrating attacks that led to mass casualties”, according to the foundation.

Israeli forces withdrew from al-Shifa hospital, Gaza’s largest medical complex, in early April, after a two-week siege that left the entire complex destroyed and piles of bodies in its wake. Three mass graves were found in the hospital’s ruins. 

Gaza’s government media office said 400 people were killed by Israeli forces in al-Shifa, including “wounded, sick, and displaced people”. 

Similarly, in southern Gaza’s Nasser hospital, three mass graves were uncovered after an Israeli attack. At least 200 bodies were retrieved from the hospital’s ruins in late April. 

Israel’s ambassador to Belgium, Idit Rosenzweig-Abu, told De Morgen that Israel rejects the Hind Rajab Foundation’s accusations against Tetro, saying: “Israel acts according to international law.”

She added: “There was no objection to his appointment and he received full diplomatic accreditation.”

The European Union has called for an independent probe into mass graves at Nasser and al-Shifa hospitals

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”Zionists are stain on humanity”

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Lama visits her house in Gaza

The aspiring journalist who’s gathered a social media following covering Israel’s war on Gaza, Lama Abu Jamous shares her first visit to her destroyed house after she had been displaced.

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