We stand firmly against injustice in all its forms. Nothing can justify the current war crimes committed by Israel in occupied Palestine. Equally, nothing can excuse the continued support offered by other nations to this apartheid regime. If you believe in human rights, dignity, and justice, then we urge you to boycott this rogue state. Silence is complicity, do what’s right.
The question is no longer, "does Israel have the right to exist" , but should be, "does #Israel deserve to exist?" Israel proved to the world that the answer is "no" to both questions! pic.twitter.com/guD3VNXqdF
Moved to tears by @ChrisLynnHedges words that describe eloquently the death journey that Israel relentlessly imposed on Palestinians in Gaza. pic.twitter.com/ri15tXuapW
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Children mourn during the funeral of Iyad al-Hassani, one of the leaders of ‘Jerusalem Brigades’, who died as a result of Israeli attack on Gaza Strip, in Gaza City, Gaza on May 13, 2023 [Ashraf Amra – Anadolu Agency]
While the Israeli occupation boasts about targeting military leaders of the Palestinian resistance, the photos and field reports in the Gaza Strip reveal that the assassinations also caused the deaths of dozens of Palestinian civilians, including women and children.
Yossi Klein, a writer for Israel’s Haaretz newspaper, wrote: “There’s nothing like killing children for bringing together hearts and minds. For the past 18 weeks, Israelis have been fighting each other, unable to find anything to bring us closer together. Then came the killing of the children in the Gaza Strip and proved that we’re brothers, after all.”
Klein added in an article translated by Arabi21: “Barriers fell, and ill will was forgotten. Yair Lapid placed a consoling arm on Benjamin Netanyahu’s shoulder, while Benny Gantz leaned his head against May Golan, and it was surprising that the entire Knesset didn’t stand up and spontaneously break out to sing ‘Hatikva’. It must be admitted, killing children is the most heinous of crimes. There is no crime more contemptible; in that lies its despicableness and its power. It acts as a deterrent, it’s effective, and streams fresh, new blood to flow into our arteries.”
Klein noted: “If anyone had any doubt that the air force is strong and threatening, the childrens’ killing went and proved that it’s too early to say any eulogies for it. It’s strong, it’s terrifying and it’s confronting an army of about 30,000 soldiers who lack the means for aerial combat,” pointing out that: “The killing of children and the bombing of civilians are of greater deterrence and effectiveness than any ‘target bank’, the infamous ‘collapsing’ of buildings, or any attempt to ‘eradicate the foundations of terrorism once and for all.’”
The writer conveyed: “Killing children is designed to cause pain, to strike the most sensitive place of all. It isn’t designed to stop terrorism; it’s designed to deter the terrorists and make us happy. When Itamar Ben-Gvir talks about ‘a painful blow,’ I imagine that he’s referring precisely to that. In fact, he should change his election slogan – not ‘50 dead terrorists for every missile,’ but rather ‘50 dead children for every missile,’” noting that killing Palestinian children is an effective step engraved in the memory of Israeli public opinion.
Klein stressed: “The pictures of eight-year-old Ali Izzeldeen and his 12-year-old sister, Miar, are impossible to forget. They look too similar to our own children – after all, everyone knows a child of a similar age – and the thought that we killed them should give us no rest. These thoughts will always continue to haunt us because these pictures are not the result of just a minor misstep. It’s not like a pilot arrives, boards a plane, kills whatever number of nameless, faceless human beings and returns for lunch. Here, with the dead children from Gaza, these are pictures that will haunt him all his life and appear in his nightmares. I’m sure that in the pilots’ training course they prepare cadets for such a situation – a case in which their personal conscience stands in contradiction with their professional duty.”
These Israeli confessions may find their way to publication in time. It holds the occupation army responsible for committing violent massacres against Palestinian civilians, especially children, under the pretext of deterring the Palestinian resistance, which has proven, in all operations, its moral superiority over the occupation when it avoided targeting women and children. Unlike the Israelis – by their own admission.
I was born a few years after the Six Day War in a refugee camp near Bethlehem. I entered the world already displaced, into a life shaped by events that had unfolded before I could speak.
My parents and older siblings were born in Jericho, an ancient city where my father owned a small grocery shop, farmland inherited from his parents, and a home that carried our family’s story. It was not wealth. It was dignity. It was rootedness.
After the war, everything was gone. Israeli occupation forces drove my family south, and the life they had built with their own hands vanished in days. What generations had cultivated was erased almost overnight.
My father remained in Palestine while some of his siblings fled to Jordan. My parents were first displaced to Ein al Sultan refugee camp, then to Al Fawar refugee camp near Hebron, before finally settling in a refugee camp near Bethlehem. Each move narrowed the horizon. Movement was not an opportunity. It was survival.
With UNRWA assistance they built a modest home and raised their children amid uncertainty, poverty, and fear. My father taught himself construction and plastering and spent most of his life working in Israeli settlements because it was the only work available. Each morning he left to build houses on land that mirrored our own loss.
When he reached his sixties, heart failure and asthma ended his ability to work. Like many Palestinians who laboured inside Israel, he had no guaranteed health insurance, no pension, and no worker protections. He spent his life constructing homes he could never inhabit. That contradiction captured the essence of Palestinian life under Israeli occupation.
My mother never recovered from losing Jericho, the land, and the home she loved. The trauma did not fade. It settled inside her. She once described the journey from Jericho to Al Fawar refugee camp under burning summer heat. One of my brothers became so thirsty that no water could be found. In desperation she asked my older brother to urinate so she could wet the child’s lips and keep him alive.
That is how my brother survived the desert heat of displacement.
Some memories do not fade. They remain.
Soon after the war, my father and eldest brother were placed in administrative detention for a year and a half without charge. Another brother was detained for six months during the First Intifada while distributing milk to children in the devastated camp. Arrest without explanation was not extraordinary. It became woven into daily life.
As a teenager, I joined peaceful protests demanding dignity and an end to occupation and daily humiliation. During one demonstration, a settler fired a live bullet that struck a tree just above my head. I survived by chance. Many did not. Survival felt more like luck than fate.
Night raids were routine. Soldiers stormed homes and forced entire families into single rooms while they searched and photographed everything. Sometimes they contaminated the flour with salt and sugar to make it inedible. Other times they poured water into the kerosene, leaving it useless for cooking or heat. Collective punishment was normal. Men aged sixteen to sixty were rounded up and held for hours in open fields under the sun. It was one of the many faces of occupation.
Checkpoints shaped our days. The camp was sealed by a barrier controlled by soldiers who opened or closed the gate at will. More than fifteen thousand people lived there, confined and controlled, forced to seek permission simply to leave or return.
How could this happen to us and still be tolerated by the world?
That question never left us. It still does not.
I remember a neighbour’s son being arrested while his mother ran behind the jeep begging for mercy. A soldier struck her head with a rifle and she was taken to hospital. I remember a school friend shot in the head during a peaceful protest only metres from where I stood.
I remember tear gas swallowing our streets and seeping into our homes, the smoke clinging to walls, curtains, and lungs alike. It burned the eyes, tightened the chest, and turned evenings into suffocation. We learned small rituals of survival. An onion in the pocket became our remedy, pressed to the nose in the hope that its sharp sting might dull the gas enough to breathe.
I remember friends lying on the ground crying for help, faces streaked with blood and dust. I remember long curfews when food ran out and we reheated mouldy bread while babies cried from hunger.
One afternoon during a curfew, in a moment of naïve defiance, I stepped outside. The street was unnaturally silent. Soldiers saw me and shouted for me to come to them. The sound cut through me. I ran.
I slipped into an empty house that belonged to my brother, who was living in Jordan. My heart pounded so loudly I was certain it could be heard. I hid behind a door and left the other doors open, convincing myself they might not search carefully. It was the logic of fear.
They entered the house. Boots on concrete. Metal against wood. Then the room.
The first soldier who pushed the door open did not expect to find anyone behind it. When he saw me pressed against the wall, he recoiled in surprise. For a brief second, he flinched as I froze in terror. It may be the only time in my life I frightened a soldier.
They dragged me outside and forced me to sit on the ground between them for nearly an hour. Time thickened. My family came running. Neighbours gathered. My mother cried. They pleaded to the soldiers that I was peaceful, that I had done nothing but study, that I was the quiet one, the serious one. In other words, a harmless boy whose rebellion extended no further than books.
Eventually, they released me.
But I have never forgotten that hour. The thin line between being killed, imprisoned, or allowed to stand and walk away. I still feel that uncertainty in my chest.
Soldiers could enter our homes at any time. Safety was an illusion. It was both a day and a nightmare.
At one point I asked what we had done to Jews to deserve such dehumanisation. My older brother answered quietly that it was because we are Palestinians and they do not want us to remain in Palestine. The explanation carried more weight than comfort.
After secondary school, I was not allowed to study at Israeli universities because I was a Palestinian from the West Bank. I travelled to Jordan with hope, earned excellent grades, and met every academic requirement. It did not matter. I was denied admission and forced to leave when my visa expired. Merit could not overcome identity.
Back home, I worked inside Israel to help my family survive. It was a necessity, not an ambition. I found work in a hotel in Tel Aviv through a subcontractor named Moshe. For two months I cleaned, carried, repaired, and did whatever was asked. I was never paid.
When I demanded my wages, Moshe delayed, avoided, and disappeared. I had no savings, not even enough for the journey home. That was when hope hardened.
Another colleague had also not been paid. We travelled to Tel Aviv to confront Moshe face to face. We believed that if we stood before him as workers who had fulfilled their duties, he would at least acknowledge us.
He tried to avoid us. We waited overnight to meet him in the morning. When he finally appeared, he looked at us as though he did not recognise us, as if two months of labour could dissolve. He began walking away and told us to leave.
Then six young Israeli men joined him. They surrounded us. The circle tightened. My colleague was shoved to the ground and told he would be killed if he did not leave immediately. The threat was unmistakable, heavy in their movements. It did not need to be shouted. The danger was clear.
I told my colleague to get up and go. No wage was worth a life.
We left without our money. We left carrying humiliation, and it weighed more than the wages.
Years later, whenever I struggle or ask for what is owed, my brother reminds me of Moshe. Not as a joke, but as a lesson. Some debts are never repaid in money.
I remember soldiers stopping our car on the way home from work. My brother, the one who survived the desert because our mother kept him alive with his sibling’s urine, smiled nervously as the soldiers approached. It was not defiance. It was fear. A soldier struck him across the face and demanded to know why he was smiling. Even a nervous smile on a Palestinian face was treated as provocation.
My brother left school at sixteen to support our family after our father became too ill to work. Without his sacrifice, none of us would have achieved our dreams. He was our quiet hero. He woke at four every morning and returned after dark just to feed us. Watching him humiliated in the street planted something inside me that never left.
Eventually I saved enough money to leave Palestine and was awarded a scholarship abroad. Thirty years later I returned with my partner to visit my family. I was allowed to enter. She was denied entry because she was not registered by the occupation as my partner. Our relationship, our history, our shared life meant nothing if it was not recognised in their records.
In that moment I understood something deeper. Under the apartheid, one people’s return is automatic and protected, while ours is questioned, restricted, or refused. Movement is not a right. It is a privilege granted selectively, and we are not the ones it was designed to protect.
At Allenby Bridge I was ordered to remove my clothes under Israeli security protocol. As he searched me, a soldier asked, “Do you know why Palestinians are stupid?” I shook my head. He answered, “Because they do not want peace with Israel.” He spoke with certainty, as if the humiliation of stripping me and reducing me to a body under inspection was justified, as if such dehumanisation required no explanation at all.
On another occasion we were pushed away from the luggage belt and treated like animals. I once placed dirty laundry at the top of my suitcase so the smell would halt the search. We learn small acts of resistance. But tricks do not restore rights.
My partner later recognised what I could not name. She noticed how my breathing tightened and my body stiffened whenever we approached an airport or border. Years of checkpoints and searches had trained my nervous system to expect danger. Even in peaceful airports far from Palestine, my body reacts as if humiliation is imminent.
PTSD does not always arrive with visible scars. Sometimes it lives between a passport and a control desk.
I lived eighteen intense years under occupation and apartheid. To record everything would require another book.
Now in my fifties, I teach my children where we come from. I tell them about Palestine so they will tell their children. Memory is the one thing that cannot be confiscated.
And I still believe that one day justice will find its way home.
As Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel reminded the world, “There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest.”
Guys in white shirts and ties in Washington and their counterparts in Israel are sitting around tables making plans for what they want to see after Israel ends its genocidal assault on Gaza (if they ever end it). From what I’ve read, their plans are either cruelly insensitive or downright delusional because they fail to consider that at issue here isn’t who runs what and how it will be run. What must be understood is that the wounds inflicted by this war will last and will define reality for a generation or more.
These are the personal, not the political, consequences of this war. The loss and trauma inflicted in so many ways on millions of Palestinian victims are never factored into the calculations by the Israelis or their enablers in Washington. To them Palestinians have always been mere pawns on a chessboard, objects to be moved or cast off, at will.
In a real sense, herein lies the root of the entire conflict. From the beginning, neither the British nor the early Zionist leaders saw the indigenous Arab population as full human beings. When learning of the British plans to secure a Mandate and turn it over to the Zionist movement for a Jewish colony in Palestine, the Americans sent a team to survey the opinions of the Arabs. What they found was a near total Arab rejection of both the Mandate and the Zionist enterprise. On hearing of the results, the British Lord Balfour was quoted saying, “In Palestine, we do not propose…consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country…Zionism, be it right or wrong, good or bad, is…of far profounder import than the desires and prejudices of the 700,000 Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land.”
The founders of the Zionist movement shared this sentiment. At first, they said they sought “a land without a people…for a people without a land.” When they found natives there, Herzl wrote that they would be used to clear the area exterminating any dangerous animals, and then evacuated to other lands.
These early Zionists wrote that the Jewish people were “more industrious and more able than the average European, not to speak at all of the inert Asiatic and African.” And they believed that the colony they would build would be a “rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to barbarism.”
This deeply racist mindset found its best expression in the 1960 film “The Exodus” that transposed the American “cowboys and Indians” storyline onto the Israeli-Palestinian conflict—with Israelis as pioneers seeking freedom for themselves and their families, facing hordes of savages who sought only to kill them. The conflict was thus reduced to “Israeli humanity versus the Palestinian problem.” And what was needed was a way to defeat, subdue, or solve the “problem” so that Israeli humanity could realize their dreams.
This remains the thinking of too many policymakers in Washington. As they grieved with the Israelis over the trauma of October 7th, they could see the Israelis as real people with whom they identified and for whom they mourned, while Palestinians remained an abstraction receiving little sympathy. This is why it has taken months for any real expressions of compassion for tens of thousands of Palestinians dead and the attendant devastation of Palestinian homes and cities.
Early in this war, I spoke with a senior White House official. After he expressed his pain at the horrors of October 7th, I told him that I understood and asked him to also consider Palestinian trauma. He angrily dismissed my appeal as “whataboutism,” suggesting that my intent was to justify or diminish the suffering of Israelis. I reminded him that it wasn’t either Palestinian suffering or Israeli suffering. It was both.
Five months later, with 32,000 dead Palestinians and Gaza on the brink of famine, attention is finally being paid by the administration. But it’s too little and too late.
Despite the White House focus on the humanitarian crisis—lack of food, water, medicine, and housing—there is still no appreciation for the deeper toll inflicted on Palestinian lives. If they recognized the true toll, they wouldn’t be dropping boxed lunches from the sky or building a pier, nor thinking that a reformed Palestinian Authority doing Israel’s dirty work was an acceptable “day after” scenario.
If they saw Palestinians as equal human beings, they would tell the Israelis to stop bombing. They would remove the block on UNWRA. They would support a UN resolution that would send international forces into Gaza and the West Bank, ending the illegal Israeli occupation of both. And they would set up an international relief and reconstruction effort not only to rebuild Gaza, but also to send in teams of doctors to address the physical and psychological wounds of this war. They would, in other words, demonstrate the sense of urgency, compassion, and care that human beings deserve.
My recommendation to the guys in the white shirts and ties sitting around the tables in the White House is: “Before you start, think of how you would want your families treated if they have been subjected to the horrors of the past five months. Think of what they would need so that their wounds can heal and not fester. The losses they’ve endured can’t be forgotten, nor can the trauma they’ve experienced be erased. How would you want your families to be treated? If you are able to do that, then proceed. If you can’t, then step aside and find someone who can.”
Israeli military Captain. Daniel Hatniel serving as deputy of Israel’s West Bank intelligence command & ex-spokesman of an MK
The little finger of a soldier of ours is worth as much of Gaza… Amalek like Hamas symbolize an idea.. There must not be one of the Amalek left on earth… pic.twitter.com/pQdXyFCY4W
Once again, @macklemore and his co-artists are showing us the truth and shouting the message. But where is the social responsibility of all the other Western artists? Dr. Mads pic.twitter.com/GIzGwJYxY7
I didn't apologize to the well as I passed by it.
I borrowed a cloud from an ancient pine and squeezed it
like an orange. I waited for a mythical white deer.
I instructed my heart in patience: Be neutral, as though
you were not a part of me. Here, good shepherds
stood on air and invented the flute and enticed
mountain partridges into their traps. Here, I saddled
a horse for flight to my personal planets, and flew.
And here, a fortuneteller told me: Beware of asphalt roads
and automobiles, ride on your sigh. Here, I loosened
my shadow and waited. I selected the smallest stone
and stood wakefully by it. I broke apart a myth
and got broken myself. I circled the well until
I flew out of myself to what I'm not. And a voice
from deep in the well spoke to me: This grave
is not yours. And so I apologized. I read verses
from the wise Qur'an and said to the anonymous presence
in the well: Peace be with you and the day
you were killed in the land of peace and with the day
you'll rise from the well's darkness
and live…