In Israel’s prisons, skin diseases are a method of punishment

By Vera Sajrawi, September 25, 2024

Source: 972 magazine

  • Prison authorities are allowing scabies to spread by restricting Palestinian inmates’ water supply and depriving them of clean clothes and medical care.

Palestinian photojournalist Mo’ath Amarnih upon his release from nine months of administrative detention in Israeli prison. (Courtesy)

Palestinian photojournalist Mo’ath Amarnih upon his release from nine months of administrative detention in Israeli prison. (Courtesy)

Pale and frail, with an unkempt beard and a prosthetic eye, his emaciated body testifies to the neglect and torture he experienced inside Israeli prison. “Stay away,” he shouts at the eager crowdsurrounding him upon his release. “I don’t know what disease I’m carrying — I have a rash and can’t risk shaking hands.” But his parents, overcome with emotion, move forward to embrace him. He shrinks away, fearfully insisting that he should remain untouched.

Mo’ath Amarnih, a Palestinian photojournalist from the occupied West Bank, was released from Ktzi’ot prison in July. Even before this, he was no stranger to Israeli state violence: in 2019, while covering protests against settlements, an Israeli soldier shot him in the face, causing him to lose his left eye. But nothing could prepare him for these nine months in administrative detention — imprisonment without charge or trial — during which he was held in dire conditions, subjected to abuse, and denied medical attention despite suffering from diabetes. 

Amarnih is one of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners recently released from Israeli jails whose skinny bodies have been marred by scabies — a parasitic infestation caused by mites, leading to severe itching and rashes that often worsen at night and are exacerbated by the summer heat. The outbreak has been reported in multiple prisons, including Ktzi’ot, Nafha, and Ramon in the Naqab/Negev, Ofer in the West Bank, and Megiddo, Shatta, and Gilboa in the north. Israel has not provided data on the number of prisoners infected. 

Over the past year, the total prison population has risen significantly: from 16,353 on Oct. 6, 2023, to over 21,000 by June of this year, according to Israel Prison Service (IPS) data. Around half of them, approximately 9,900 at the time of writing, are defined as “security prisoners,” of whom more than 3,300 are being held in administrative detention.

Palestinian photojournalist Mo’ath Amarnih before and after a period of nine months in administrative detention in Ktzi’ot prison. (Courtesy)

With this sharp spike in the prison population, conditions inside Israeli jails have worsened drastically. For 11 months, inmates — who have faced torture and abuse that has resulted in the deaths of at least 18 prisoners — have been restricted to a single item of clothing and barred from purchasing shampoo or soap, with limited access to showers and fully deprived of laundry facilities. The suspension of family visits, moreover, has eliminated the possibility of receiving clean clothes, sheets, and towels from outside.

On July 16, a coalition of five Israeli human rights organizations submitted a petition to the Israeli High Court, demanding urgent intervention from the IPS and the Health Ministry to address the alarming scabies outbreak plaguing Palestinian prisoners, primarily those in security units. Inmates, it says, are often denied medical care, and doctor visits to prisons have become increasingly rare. 

As dermatologist Dr. Ahsan Daka noted in the petition, scabies can be effectively treated, but containing the outbreak requires sanitary living conditions. The failure of the IPS to do so suggests that the spread of the disease among prisoners has become, in effect, a part of their punishment.

‘I came out of hell’

In May 2023, 38-year-old Mohammed Al-Bazz from Nablus was arrested and placed in administrative detention in Ktzi’ot prison in the Naqab, without being told why. He had previously spent more than 16 years in Israeli jails going back to the age of 17, but those experiences paled in comparison to what was to come after October 7. 

Shortly after the Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Knesset passed legislation enabling National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir to declare a state of emergency in Israeli prisons. He had already started rolling out a harsher vision for incarcerated Palestinians upon taking office earlier last year. Still, armed with the new wartime emergency measures, he quickly moved to over-crowd IPS facilities and further slash the rights of Palestinian detainees

Newly appointed Israel Prison Service chief Kobi Yaakobi and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir at a ceremony at the National Security Ministry in Jerusalem, May 27, 2024. (Chaim Goldberg/Flash90)

Al-Bazz, who was released in May of this year, received little news about the outside world. The first thing the IPS did after October 7 was remove radios and televisions, cut off all electricity, and limit prisoners to just one hour of water per day, collectively. “Imagine 15 prisoners in a cell that gets water for only one hour through a faucet and a toilet, and you have to use it for all your needs,” he told +972. 

Like all prisoners, he was prohibited from leaving his cell; no longer were they afforded the usual hour outside. Laundry rooms were closed and converted into additional cells, and family visits were forbidden, preventing inmates from receiving new clothes from the outside.

“The sun and air did not touch my skin for eight months,” Al-Bazz said. “I slept on the same mattress without sheets or a pillow, showered in cold water without shampoo or a towel, and had to put my dirty clothes back on my wet body in the winter and summer. This shows a systematic intent to spread the disease among the prisoners through poor hygiene.”

The first case of scabies was reported to Physicians for Human Rights – Israel (PHRI) in mid-February, according to Naji Abbas, director of the NGO’s prisoners and detainees department. That prisoner, Mohammed Shukair, had been violently arrested in May and then given a prison shirt that he told PHRI was already dirty. Symptoms of the disease soon started to appear on his skin, and he was taken to the prison clinic and diagnosed. 

PHRI demanded the prison services provide him with medications, and he was given an ointment to treat the symptoms. But his environment was not disinfected and his cellmates were not treated, so it didn’t work. “Ointment alone isn’t enough, because the mites that cause the disease live on surfaces for up to 36 hours and the person can be reinfected,” Abbas explained. 

Al-Bazz also told +972 that when a prisoner showed symptoms of scabies, the IPS did not remove him from the cell or take any other measures to prevent the spread of the disease among his cellmates. “They even moved infected prisoners to cells that had healthy prisoners and caused everyone to become infected,” he said.

Soldiers and Palestinians are seen at a waiting area outside Ofer prison, occupied West Bank, August 27, 2024. (Chaim Goldberg/Flash90)

“It is the worst disease, nothing like I’ve ever seen,” Al-Bazz continued, his voice stricken with grief. “It starts with small skin pimples that spread all over your body and you develop an unbearable itching. I bled all over my body from the continuous scratching. If you ask to go to the prison’s clinic, they spray you with tear gas [as punishment] or take you outside to beat you in front of all the cells.”

Al-Bazz told +972 that he didn’t receive any treatment for scabies throughout his entire year in Ktzi’ot; indeed, security prisoners have reported that there is no access to prison clinics or doctors for any medical conditions. “Under the pretext of the ongoing war, the [prison] authority deprives even cancer patients of crucial treatments for months,” he said.

Like Amarnih, Al-Bazz was nearly unrecognizable when he came out of prison: he had lost 60 kilograms of weight between October and May. He quickly sought medical care upon his release, but because he was still carrying the disease, he unintentionally infected his wife and twin babies.

Even as the scabies slowly disappears from his body, the torture Al-Bazz experienced in Ktzi’ot will have a lasting psychological impact. A particular incident on a cold night on Oct. 22 captures the horror: according to Al-Bazz, the guards stripped the prisoners naked, handcuffed their hands and bound their feet, before a guard urinated on them. 

“Most people are embarrassed to detail what we went through,” he said. “Many prisoners were raped with various objects; female guards watched, laughed, and toyed with our naked bodies. They took pleasure in torturing and humiliating us. It reminded me of Abu Ghraib, or even worse. They continuously beat us all day, taking turns from 9 a.m. to 11 p.m.. I cannot believe what they did to us. It will remain forever etched into my memory. I came out of hell.”

Mohammed Al-Bazz before and after spending a year in administrative detention in Israel’s Ktzi’ot prison. (Courtesy)

‘They saw guards who were infected’

According to PHRI, scabies has broken out across most Israeli prison facilities. “Lawyers say that in some prisons, when guards bring prisoners to meet with them, they are seen wearing gloves so as not to come into direct contact with the prisoners,” Abbas said. “We don’t have clear data, but prisoners said that they saw guards who were infected with the disease.

“The prison services claim that the disease was brought into prisons by those arrested from Gaza, which is not true because Gaza prisoners are separated from the rest of the prisoners,” Abbas continued. “And even if this was the case, this is not about who brought the infection into prisons — it is about what can be done to end the current outbreak.”

But rather than improving prison conditions, reducing overcrowding, and effectively treating the scabies epidemic, the IPS is further restricting outside visits. In a joint statement on Sept. 3, the Palestinian Prisoners’ Club and the Committee of Detainees Affairs (CDA) noted that the IPS informed their lawyers that scheduled visits were canceled in Nafha and Ramon prisons, without specifying a period, under the pretext of imposing a quarantine on all sections of the prisons to control the spread of the disease.

“Court sessions after October 7 are generally held via Zoom,” Jameel Saadeh, the head of the legal unit at CDA, told +972. “For prisoners with scabies, the sessions are either canceled or the court holds the sessions without the prisoners.”

When +972 contacted an IPS spokesperson for comment, they denied the cancellation of outside visits and did not comment on the current spread of scabies in prisons.

Meanwhile, Al-Bazz is still coming to terms with the extent of the dehumanization he faced during his time at Ktzi’ot. “Prisoners are human beings,” he said. “They are not superhumans who can endure anything; they simply have to put up with abuse because they have no other option. 

“We are locked up over an honorable cause and we are fighting for our freedom,” he continued. “But at the end of the day, I’m flesh and bones, with dignity and emotions — a human being that gets tired and feels pain when beaten and feels despair when sick.”

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‘Text Me You Haven’t Died’ – My Sister was the 166th Doctor to Be Murdered in Gaza

RAMZY BAROUD, 18/10/24

Source: Counter punch

Dr. Soma Baroud, was killed on 9 October when Israeli warplanes bombed the taxi that carried her and other tired Gazans somewhere near the Bani Suhaila roundabout near Khan Yunis.

“Your lives will continue. With new events and new faces. They are the faces of your children, who will fill your homes with noise and laughter.”

These were the last words written by my sister in a text message to one of her daughters.

Dr. Soma Baroud was murdered on October 9 when Israeli warplanes bombed a taxi that carried her and other tired Gazans somewhere near the Bani Suhaila roundabout near Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip.

I am still unable to understand whether she was on her way to the hospital, where she worked, or leaving the hospital to go home. Does it even matter?

The news of her murder – or, more accurately assassination, as Israel has deliberately targeted and killed 986 medical workers, including 165 doctors – arrived through a screenshot copied from a Facebook page.

“Update: these are the names of the martyrs of the latest Israeli bombing of two taxis in the Khan Yunis area ..,” the post read.

It was followed by a list of names. “Soma Mohammed Mohammed Baroud” was the fifth name on the list, and the 42,010th on Gaza’s ever-growing list of martyrs.

I refused to believe the news, even when more posts began popping up everywhere on social media, listing her as number five, and sometimes six in the list of martyrs of the Khan Yunis strike.

I kept calling her, over and over again, hoping that the line would crackle a bit, followed by a brief silence, and then her kind, motherly voice would say, “Marhaba Abu Sammy. How are you, brother?” But she never picked up.

I had told her repeatedly that she does not need to bother with elaborate text or audio messages due to the unreliable internet connection and electricity. “Every morning,” I said, “just type: ‘we are fine’.” That’s all I asked of her.

But she would skip several days without writing, often due to the lack of an internet connection. Then, a message would arrive, though never brief. She wrote with a torrent of thoughts, linking up her daily struggle to survive, to her fears for her children, to poetry, to a Qur’anic verse, to one of her favorite novels, and so on.

“You know, what you said last time reminds me of Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude,” she said on more than one occasion, before she would take the conversation into the most complex philosophical spins. I would listen, and just repeat, “Yes .. totally .. I agree .. one hundred percent.”

For us, Soma was a larger-than-life figure. This is precisely why her sudden absence has shocked us to the point of disbelief. Her children, though grown up, felt orphaned. But her brothers, me included, felt the same way.

I wrote about Soma as a central character in my book “My Father Was a Freedom Fighter”, because she was indeed central to our lives, and to our very survival in a Gaza refugee camp.

The first born, and only daughter, she had to carry a much greater share of work and expectations than the rest of us.

She was just a child, when my eldest brother Anwar, still a toddler, died in an UNRWA clinic at the Nuseirat refugee camp due to the lack of medicine. Then, she was introduced to pain, the kind of pain that with time turned into a permanent state of grief that would never abandon her until her murder by a US-supplied Israeli bomb in Khan Yunis.

Two years after the death of the first Anwar, another boy was born. They also called him Anwar, so that the legacy of the first boy may carry on. Soma cherished the newcomer, maintaining a special friendship with him for decades to come.

My father began his life as a child laborer, then a fighter in the Palestine Liberation Army, then a police officer during the Egyptian administration of Gaza, then, once again a laborer; that’s because he refused to join the Israeli-funded Gaza police force after the war of 1967, known as the Naksa.

A clever, principled man, and a self-taught intellectual, my Dad did everything he could to provide a measure of dignity for his small family; and Soma, a child, often barefoot, stood by him every step of the way.

When he decided to become a merchant, as in buying discarded and odd items in Israel and repackaging them to sell in the refugee camp, Soma was his main helper. Though her skin healed, cuts on her fingers, due to individually wrapping thousands of razors, remained a testament to the difficult life she lived.

“Soma’s little finger is worth more than a thousand men,” my father would often repeat, to remind us, ultimately five boys, that our sister will always be the main heroine in the family’s story. Now that she is a martyr, that legacy has been secured for eternity.

Years later, my parents would send her to Aleppo to obtain a medical degree. She returned to Gaza, where she spent over three decades healing the pain of others, though never her own.

She worked at Al-Shifa Hospital, at Nasser Hospital among other medical centers. Later, she obtained another certificate in family medicine, opening a clinic of her own. She did not charge the poor, and did all she could to heal those victimized by war.

Soma was a member of a generation of female doctors in Gaza that truly changed the face of medicine, collectively putting great emphasis on the rights of women to medical care and expanding the understanding of family medicine to include psychological trauma with particular emphasis on the centrality, but also the vulnerability of women in a war-torn society.

When my daughter Zarefah managed to visit her in Gaza shortly before the war, she told me that “when aunt Soma walked into the hospital, an entourage of women – doctors, nurses, and other medical staff – would surround her in total adoration.”

At one point, it felt that all of Soma’s suffering was finally paying off: a nice family home in Khan Yunis, with a small olive orchard, and a few palm trees; a loving husband, himself a professor of law, and eventually the dean of law school at a reputable Gaza university; three daughters and two sons, whose educational specialties ranged from dentistry to pharmacy, to law to engineering.

Life, even under siege, at least for Soma and her family, seemed manageable. True, she was not allowed to leave the Strip for many years due to the blockade, and thus we were denied the chance to see her for years on end. True, she was tormented by loneliness and seclusion, thus her love affair and constant citation from García Márquez’s seminal novel. But at least her husband was not killed or went missing. Her beautiful house and clinic were still standing. And she was living and breathing, communicating her philosophical nuggets about life, death, memories and hope.

“If I could only find the remains of Hamdi, so that we can give him a proper burial,” she wrote to me last January, when the news circulated that her husband was executed by an Israeli quadcopter in Khan Yunis.

But since the body remained missing, she held on to some faint hope that he was still alive. Her boys, on the other hand, kept digging in the wreckage and debris of the area where Hamdi was shot, hoping to find him and to give him a proper burial. They would often be attacked by Israeli drones in the process of trying to unearth their father’s body. They would run away, and return with their shovels to carry on with the grim task.

To maximize their chances of survival, my sister’s family decided to split up between displacement camps and other family homes in southern Gaza.

This meant that Soma had to be in a constant state of moving, traveling, often long distances on foot, between towns, villages and refugee camps, just to check on her children, following every incursion, and every massacre.

“I am exhausted,” she kept telling me. “All I want from life is for this war to end, for new cozy pajamas, my favorite book, and a comfortable bed.”

These simple and reasonable expectations looked like a mirage, especially when her home in the Qarara area, in Khan Yunis, was demolished by the Israeli army last month.

“My heart aches. Everything is gone. Three decades of life, of memories, of achievement, all turned into rubble,” she wrote.

“This is not a story about stones and concrete. It is much bigger. It is a story that cannot be fully told, however long I wrote or spoke. Seven souls had lived here. We ate, drank, laughed, quarreled, and despite all the challenges of living in Gaza, we managed to carve out a happy life for our family,” she continued.

A few days before she was killed, she told me that she had been sleeping in a half-destroyed building belonging to her neighbors in Qarara. She sent me a photo taken by her son, as she sat on a makeshift chair, on which she also slept amidst the ruins. She looked tired, so very tired.

There was nothing I could say or do to convince her to leave. She insisted that she wanted to keep an eye on the rubble of what remained of her home. Her logic made no sense to me. I pleaded with her to leave. She ignored me, and instead kept sending me photos of what she had salvaged from the rubble, an old photo, a small olive tree, a birth certificate ..

My last message to her, hours before she was killed, was a promise that when the war is over, I will do everything in my power to compensate her for all of this. That the whole family would meet in Egypt, or Türkiye, and that we will shower her with gifts, and boundless family love. I finished with, “let’s start planning now. Whatever you want. You just say it. Awaiting your instructions…” She never saw the message.

Even when her name, as yet another casualty of the Israeli genocide in Gaza was mentioned in local Palestinian news, I refused to believe it. I continued to call. “Please pick up, Soma, please pick up,” I pleaded with her.

Only when a video emerged of white body bags arriving at Nasser Hospital in the back of an ambulance, I thought maybe my sister was indeed gone.

Some of the bags had the names of the others mentioned in the social media posts. Each bag was pulled out separately and placed on the ground. A group of mourners, bereaved men, women and children would rush to hug the body, screaming the same shouts of agony and despair that accompanied this ongoing genocide from the first day.

Then, another bag, with the name ‘Soma Mohammed Mohammed Baroud’ written across the thick white plastic. Her colleagues carried her body and gently laid it on the ground. They were about to zip the bag open to verify her identity. I looked the other way.

I refuse to see her but in the way that she wanted to be seen, a strong person, a manifestation of love, kindness and wisdom, whose “little finger is worth more than a thousand men.”

But why do I continue to check my messages with the hope that she will text me to tell me that the whole thing was a major, cruel misunderstanding and that she is okay?

My sister Soma was buried under a small mound of dirt, somewhere in Khan Yunis.

No more messages from her.

Listen to our interview with Ramzy Baroud on the most recent episode of CounterPunch Radio.

Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press, Atlanta). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University (IZU). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

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Israeli genocidal army burned alive Sha’ban Al Dalou , a 19 year old university student in his hospital bed. It’s fascist spokesman is defending these heinous war crimes.

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Palestinians Deserve Freedom, Justice & Peace

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‘Do you share values with Israel?’

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“Run, run and run”

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Deliberate Destruction Of Roads And Infrastructure By The Zionists In Masafer Yatta, West Bank , Palestine

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See all beloved Palestine with 360 panorama technology. Watch all of beloved Palestine and spread it, let others enjoy, and if you have 3D glasses, it will be more beautiful. Something amazing. Click on each picture and move your phone right, left and a full turn to feel your situation there.

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Israel confesses to intentionally killing children to pressure resistance

May 13, 2023 at 1:01 pm

Source

Children mourn during the funeral of Iyad al-Hassani, one of the leaders of ‘Jerusalem Brigades’, who died as a result of Israeli attack on Gaza Strip, in Gaza City, Gaza on May 13, 2023 [Ashraf Amra – Anadolu Agency]

Children mourn during the funeral of Iyad al-Hassani, one of the leaders of 'Jerusalem Brigades', who died as a result of Israeli attack on Gaza Strip, in Gaza City, Gaza on May 13, 2023 [Ashraf Amra - Anadolu Agency]

While the Israeli occupation boasts about targeting military leaders of the Palestinian resistance, the photos and field reports in the Gaza Strip reveal that the assassinations also caused the deaths of dozens of Palestinian civilians, including women and children.

Yossi Klein, a writer for Israel’s Haaretz newspaper, wrote: “There’s nothing like killing children for bringing together hearts and minds. For the past 18 weeks, Israelis have been fighting each other, unable to find anything to bring us closer together. Then came the killing of the children in the Gaza Strip and proved that we’re brothers, after all.”

Klein added in an article translated by Arabi21: “Barriers fell, and ill will was forgotten. Yair Lapid placed a consoling arm on Benjamin Netanyahu’s shoulder, while Benny Gantz leaned his head against May Golan, and it was surprising that the entire Knesset didn’t stand up and spontaneously break out to sing ‘Hatikva’. It must be admitted, killing children is the most heinous of crimes. There is no crime more contemptible; in that lies its despicableness and its power. It acts as a deterrent, it’s effective, and streams fresh, new blood to flow into our arteries.”

Klein noted: “If anyone had any doubt that the air force is strong and threatening, the childrens’ killing went and proved that it’s too early to say any eulogies for it. It’s strong, it’s terrifying and it’s confronting an army of about 30,000 soldiers who lack the means for aerial combat,” pointing out that: “The killing of children and the bombing of civilians are of greater deterrence and effectiveness than any ‘target bank’, the infamous ‘collapsing’ of buildings, or any attempt to ‘eradicate the foundations of terrorism once and for all.’”

The writer conveyed: “Killing children is designed to cause pain, to strike the most sensitive place of all. It isn’t designed to stop terrorism; it’s designed to deter the terrorists and make us happy. When Itamar Ben-Gvir talks about ‘a painful blow,’ I imagine that he’s referring precisely to that. In fact, he should change his election slogan – not ‘50 dead terrorists for every missile,’ but rather ‘50 dead children for every missile,’” noting that killing Palestinian children is an effective step engraved in the memory of Israeli public opinion.

Klein stressed: “The pictures of eight-year-old Ali Izzeldeen and his 12-year-old sister, Miar, are impossible to forget. They look too similar to our own children – after all, everyone knows a child of a similar age – and the thought that we killed them should give us no rest. These thoughts will always continue to haunt us because these pictures are not the result of just a minor misstep. It’s not like a pilot arrives, boards a plane, kills whatever number of nameless, faceless human beings and returns for lunch. Here, with the dead children from Gaza, these are pictures that will haunt him all his life and appear in his nightmares. I’m sure that in the pilots’ training course they prepare cadets for such a situation – a case in which their personal conscience stands in contradiction with their professional duty.”

These Israeli confessions may find their way to publication in time. It holds the occupation army responsible for committing violent massacres against Palestinian civilians, especially children, under the pretext of deterring the Palestinian resistance, which has proven, in all operations, its moral superiority over the occupation when it avoided targeting women and children. Unlike the Israelis – by their own admission.

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Born Refugee

S. T. Salah, 18/04/26


I was born a few years after the Six Day War in a refugee camp near Bethlehem. I entered the world already displaced, into a life shaped by events that had unfolded before I could speak.

My parents and older siblings were born in Jericho, an ancient city where my father owned a small grocery shop, farmland inherited from his parents, and a home that carried our family’s story. It was not wealth. It was dignity. It was rootedness.

After the war, everything was gone. Israeli occupation forces drove my family south, and the life they had built with their own hands vanished in days. What generations had cultivated was erased almost overnight.

My father remained in Palestine while some of his siblings fled to Jordan. My parents were first displaced to Ein al Sultan refugee camp, then to Al Fawar refugee camp near Hebron, before finally settling in a refugee camp near Bethlehem. Each move narrowed the horizon. Movement was not an opportunity. It was survival.

With UNRWA assistance they built a modest home and raised their children amid uncertainty, poverty, and fear. My father taught himself construction and plastering and spent most of his life working in Israeli settlements because it was the only work available. Each morning he left to build houses on land that mirrored our own loss.

When he reached his sixties, heart failure and asthma ended his ability to work. Like many Palestinians who laboured inside Israel, he had no guaranteed health insurance, no pension, and no worker protections. He spent his life constructing homes he could never inhabit. That contradiction captured the essence of Palestinian life under Israeli occupation.

My mother never recovered from losing Jericho, the land, and the home she loved. The trauma did not fade. It settled inside her. She once described the journey from Jericho to Al Fawar refugee camp under burning summer heat. One of my brothers became so thirsty that no water could be found. In desperation she asked my older brother to urinate so she could wet the child’s lips and keep him alive.

That is how my brother survived the desert heat of displacement.

Some memories do not fade. They remain.

Soon after the war, my father and eldest brother were placed in administrative detention for a year and a half without charge. Another brother was detained for six months during the First Intifada while distributing milk to children in the devastated camp. Arrest without explanation was not extraordinary. It became woven into daily life.

As a teenager, I joined peaceful protests demanding dignity and an end to occupation and daily humiliation. During one demonstration, a settler fired a live bullet that struck a tree just above my head. I survived by chance. Many did not. Survival felt more like luck than fate.

Night raids were routine. Soldiers stormed homes and forced entire families into single rooms while they searched and photographed everything. Sometimes they contaminated the flour with salt and sugar to make it inedible. Other times they poured water into the kerosene, leaving it useless for cooking or heat. Collective punishment was normal. Men aged sixteen to sixty were rounded up and held for hours in open fields under the sun. It was one of the many faces of occupation.

Checkpoints shaped our days. The camp was sealed by a barrier controlled by soldiers who opened or closed the gate at will. More than fifteen thousand people lived there, confined and controlled, forced to seek permission simply to leave or return.

How could this happen to us and still be tolerated by the world?

That question never left us. It still does not.

I remember a neighbour’s son being arrested while his mother ran behind the jeep begging for mercy. A soldier struck her head with a rifle and she was taken to hospital. I remember a school friend shot in the head during a peaceful protest only metres from where I stood.

I remember tear gas swallowing our streets and seeping into our homes, the smoke clinging to walls, curtains, and lungs alike. It burned the eyes, tightened the chest, and turned evenings into suffocation. We learned small rituals of survival. An onion in the pocket became our remedy, pressed to the nose in the hope that its sharp sting might dull the gas enough to breathe.

I remember friends lying on the ground crying for help, faces streaked with blood and dust. I remember long curfews when food ran out and we reheated mouldy bread while babies cried from hunger.

One afternoon during a curfew, in a moment of naïve defiance, I stepped outside. The street was unnaturally silent. Soldiers saw me and shouted for me to come to them. The sound cut through me. I ran.

I slipped into an empty house that belonged to my brother, who was living in Jordan. My heart pounded so loudly I was certain it could be heard. I hid behind a door and left the other doors open, convincing myself they might not search carefully. It was the logic of fear.

They entered the house. Boots on concrete. Metal against wood. Then the room.

The first soldier who pushed the door open did not expect to find anyone behind it. When he saw me pressed against the wall, he recoiled in surprise. For a brief second, he flinched as I froze in terror. It may be the only time in my life I frightened a soldier.

They dragged me outside and forced me to sit on the ground between them for nearly an hour. Time thickened. My family came running. Neighbours gathered. My mother cried. They pleaded to the soldiers that I was peaceful, that I had done nothing but study, that I was the quiet one, the serious one. In other words, a harmless boy whose rebellion extended no further than books.

Eventually, they released me.

But I have never forgotten that hour. The thin line between being killed, imprisoned, or allowed to stand and walk away. I still feel that uncertainty in my chest.

Soldiers could enter our homes at any time. Safety was an illusion. It was both a day and a nightmare.

At one point I asked what we had done to Jews to deserve such dehumanisation. My older brother answered quietly that it was because we are Palestinians and they do not want us to remain in Palestine. The explanation carried more weight than comfort.

After secondary school, I was not allowed to study at Israeli universities because I was a Palestinian from the West Bank. I travelled to Jordan with hope, earned excellent grades, and met every academic requirement. It did not matter. I was denied admission and forced to leave when my visa expired. Merit could not overcome identity.

Back home, I worked inside Israel to help my family survive. It was a necessity, not an ambition. I found work in a hotel in Tel Aviv through a subcontractor named Moshe. For two months I cleaned, carried, repaired, and did whatever was asked. I was never paid.

When I demanded my wages, Moshe delayed, avoided, and disappeared. I had no savings, not even enough for the journey home. That was when hope hardened.

Another colleague had also not been paid. We travelled to Tel Aviv to confront Moshe face to face. We believed that if we stood before him as workers who had fulfilled their duties, he would at least acknowledge us.

He tried to avoid us. We waited overnight to meet him in the morning. When he finally appeared, he looked at us as though he did not recognise us, as if two months of labour could dissolve. He began walking away and told us to leave.

Then six young Israeli men joined him. They surrounded us. The circle tightened. My colleague was shoved to the ground and told he would be killed if he did not leave immediately. The threat was unmistakable, heavy in their movements. It did not need to be shouted. The danger was clear.

I told my colleague to get up and go. No wage was worth a life.

We left without our money. We left carrying humiliation, and it weighed more than the wages.

Years later, whenever I struggle or ask for what is owed, my brother reminds me of Moshe. Not as a joke, but as a lesson. Some debts are never repaid in money.

I remember soldiers stopping our car on the way home from work. My brother, the one who survived the desert because our mother kept him alive with his sibling’s urine, smiled nervously as the soldiers approached. It was not defiance. It was fear. A soldier struck him across the face and demanded to know why he was smiling. Even a nervous smile on a Palestinian face was treated as provocation.

My brother left school at sixteen to support our family after our father became too ill to work. Without his sacrifice, none of us would have achieved our dreams. He was our quiet hero. He woke at four every morning and returned after dark just to feed us. Watching him humiliated in the street planted something inside me that never left.

Eventually I saved enough money to leave Palestine and was awarded a scholarship abroad. Thirty years later I returned with my partner to visit my family. I was allowed to enter. She was denied entry because she was not registered by the occupation as my partner. Our relationship, our history, our shared life meant nothing if it was not recognised in their records.

In that moment I understood something deeper. Under the apartheid, one people’s return is automatic and protected, while ours is questioned, restricted, or refused. Movement is not a right. It is a privilege granted selectively, and we are not the ones it was designed to protect.

At Allenby Bridge I was ordered to remove my clothes under Israeli security protocol. As he searched me, a soldier asked, “Do you know why Palestinians are stupid?” I shook my head. He answered, “Because they do not want peace with Israel.” He spoke with certainty, as if the humiliation of stripping me and reducing me to a body under inspection was justified, as if such dehumanisation required no explanation at all.

On another occasion we were pushed away from the luggage belt and treated like animals. I once placed dirty laundry at the top of my suitcase so the smell would halt the search. We learn small acts of resistance. But tricks do not restore rights.

My partner later recognised what I could not name. She noticed how my breathing tightened and my body stiffened whenever we approached an airport or border. Years of checkpoints and searches had trained my nervous system to expect danger. Even in peaceful airports far from Palestine, my body reacts as if humiliation is imminent.

PTSD does not always arrive with visible scars. Sometimes it lives between a passport and a control desk.

I lived eighteen intense years under occupation and apartheid. To record everything would require another book.

Now in my fifties, I teach my children where we come from. I tell them about Palestine so they will tell their children. Memory is the one thing that cannot be confiscated.

And I still believe that one day justice will find its way home.

As Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel reminded the world, “There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest.”

Posted in News from the apartheid, Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian cities, towns, villages and camps, Palestinian diaspora, Palestinian history, S. T. Salah | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Chuck Fleischmann- another congressman terrorist who wants to wipe out Palestine

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First Recognize Palestinian Humanity 

 

Dr. James J. Zogby

President of Arab American Institute 

Guys in white shirts and ties in Washington and their counterparts in Israel are sitting around tables making plans for what they want to see after Israel ends its genocidal assault on Gaza (if they ever end it). From what I’ve read, their plans are either cruelly insensitive or downright delusional because they fail to consider that at issue here isn’t who runs what and how it will be run. What must be understood is that the wounds inflicted by this war will last and will define reality for a generation or more. 

These are the personal, not the political, consequences of this war. The loss and trauma inflicted in so many ways on millions of Palestinian victims are never factored into the calculations by the Israelis or their enablers in Washington. To them Palestinians have always been mere pawns on a chessboard, objects to be moved or cast off, at will. 

In a real sense, herein lies the root of the entire conflict. From the beginning, neither the British nor the early Zionist leaders saw the indigenous Arab population as full human beings. When learning of the British plans to secure a Mandate and turn it over to the Zionist movement for a Jewish colony in Palestine, the Americans sent a team to survey the opinions of the Arabs. What they found was a near total Arab rejection of both the Mandate and the Zionist enterprise. On hearing of the results, the British Lord Balfour was quoted saying, “In Palestine, we do not propose…consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country…Zionism, be it right or wrong, good or bad, is…of far profounder import than the desires and prejudices of the 700,000 Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land.” 

The founders of the Zionist movement shared this sentiment. At first, they said they sought “a land without a people…for a people without a land.” When they found natives there, Herzl wrote that they would be used to clear the area exterminating any dangerous animals, and then evacuated to other lands.  

These early Zionists wrote that the Jewish people were “more industrious and more able than the average European, not to speak at all of the inert Asiatic and African.” And they believed that the colony they would build would be a “rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to barbarism.” 

This deeply racist mindset found its best expression in the 1960 film “The Exodus” that transposed the American “cowboys and Indians” storyline onto the Israeli-Palestinian conflict—with Israelis as pioneers seeking freedom for themselves and their families, facing hordes of savages who sought only to kill them. The conflict was thus reduced to “Israeli humanity versus the Palestinian problem.” And what was needed was a way to defeat, subdue, or solve the “problem” so that Israeli humanity could realize their dreams. 

This remains the thinking of too many policymakers in Washington. As they grieved with the Israelis over the trauma of October 7th, they could see the Israelis as real people with whom they identified and for whom they mourned, while Palestinians remained an abstraction receiving little sympathy. This is why it has taken months for any real expressions of compassion for tens of thousands of Palestinians dead and the attendant devastation of Palestinian homes and cities.  

Early in this war, I spoke with a senior White House official. After he expressed his pain at the horrors of October 7th, I told him that I understood and asked him to also consider Palestinian trauma. He angrily dismissed my appeal as “whataboutism,” suggesting that my intent was to justify or diminish the suffering of Israelis. I reminded him that it wasn’t either Palestinian suffering or Israeli suffering. It was both. 

Five months later, with 32,000 dead Palestinians and Gaza on the brink of famine, attention is finally being paid by the administration. But it’s too little and too late. 

Despite the White House focus on the humanitarian crisis—lack of food, water, medicine, and housing—there is still no appreciation for the deeper toll inflicted on Palestinian lives. If they recognized the true toll, they wouldn’t be dropping boxed lunches from the sky or building a pier, nor thinking that a reformed Palestinian Authority doing Israel’s dirty work was an acceptable “day after” scenario.  

If they saw Palestinians as equal human beings, they would tell the Israelis to stop bombing. They would remove the block on UNWRA. They would support a UN resolution that would send international forces into Gaza and the West Bank, ending the illegal Israeli occupation of both. And they would set up an international relief and reconstruction effort not only to rebuild Gaza, but also to send in teams of doctors to address the physical and psychological wounds of this war. They would, in other words, demonstrate the sense of urgency, compassion, and care that human beings deserve.  

My recommendation to the guys in the white shirts and ties sitting around the tables in the White House is: “Before you start, think of how you would want your families treated if they have been subjected to the horrors of the past five months. Think of what they would need so that their wounds can heal and not fester. The losses they’ve endured can’t be forgotten, nor can the trauma they’ve experienced be erased. How would you want your families to be treated? If you are able to do that, then proceed. If you can’t, then step aside and find someone who can.”

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Genocide Evidence

Posted in Evidence of Israeli Fascism and Nazism and Genocide, Gaza, Massacres & genocides, Media, News from the apartheid, Videos | Tagged , | Leave a comment