Zionist project of ethnic cleansing of Palestine.

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Will you accept living like this?

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Why we support the ICC prosecutions for crimes in Israel and Gaza

From Lord Justice Fulford, Judge Theodor Meron CMG, Amal Clooney, Danny Friedman KC, Baroness Helena Kennedy LT KC, Elizabeth Wilmshurst CMG KC

Source

Smoke rises in Jabalia, northern Gaza, after an Israeli airstrike last week © ATEF SAFADI/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock


The attacks by Hamas in Israel on October 7 and the military response by Israeli forces in Gaza have tested the system of international law to its limits. This is why, as international lawyers, we felt compelled to assist when the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Karim Khan, asked us to advise whether there was sufficient evidence to lay charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Today, the prosecutor has taken a historic step to ensure justice for the victims in Israel and Palestine by issuing applications for five arrest warrants alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity by senior Hamas and Israeli leaders. These include applications for a warrant of arrest against the political and military commanders of Hamas and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

For months, we have engaged in an extensive process of review and analysis. We have carefully examined each of the applications for arrest warrants, as well as underlying material produced by the prosecution team in support of the applications. This has included witness statements, expert evidence, official communications, videos and photographs. In our legal report published today, we unanimously agree that the prosecutor’s work was rigorous, fair and grounded in the law and the facts. And we unanimously agree that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the suspects he identifies have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity within the jurisdiction of the ICC.

It is not unusual for the prosecutor to invite external experts to participate in an evidence-review, under appropriate confidentiality arrangements, during the course of an investigation or trial. And this is not the first time an international prosecutor has formed a Panel of Experts to advise on potential charges related to a conflict. But this conflict is perhaps unprecedented in the extent to which it has given rise to misunderstandings about the ICC’s role and jurisdiction, a particularly fractured discourse and, in some contexts, even antisemitism and Islamophobia. 

It is against this backdrop that, as lawyers specialised in international law hailing from diverse personal backgrounds, we felt we had a duty to accept the invitation to provide an impartial and independent legal opinion based on evidence.

We were selected because of our expertise in public international law, international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law, and, in the case of two of us, experience as former judges of international criminal tribunals. Our common goal is advancing accountability and we have reached our conclusions based on an assessment of the warrant applications against an objective legal standard. We have reached these conclusions unanimously. And we believe it is important to publish them given the extent to which discourse has been politicised, disinformation has been rife and international media has been denied access to the front lines.

The Panel unanimously agrees with the prosecutor’s conclusion that there are reasonable grounds to believe that three of Hamas’s most senior leaders — Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Deif and Ismail Haniyeh — have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity for the killing of hundreds of civilians, the taking of at least 245 hostages and acts of sexual violence committed against Israeli hostages.

The Panel also unanimously agrees that the evidence presented by the prosecutor provides reasonable grounds to believe that Netanyahu and Israel’s minister of defence Yoav Gallant have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity. This includes the war crime of intentionally using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare and the murder and persecution of Palestinians as crimes against humanity. Our reasons for reaching these conclusions are set out in our legal report. It is important to understand that the charges have nothing to do with the reasons for the conflict. The charges concern waging war in a manner that violates the long-established rules of international law that apply to armed groups and the armed forces in every state in the world. And, of course, the warrant applications announced today are just the first step.

We hope that the prosecutor will continue to conduct focused investigations including in relation to the extensive harm suffered by civilians as a result of the bombing campaign in Gaza and evidence of sexual violence committed against Israelis on October 7.  There is no doubt that the step taken today by the prosecutor is a milestone in the history of international criminal law.

There is no conflict that should be excluded from the reach of the law; no child’s life valued less than another’s. The law we apply is humanity’s law, not the law of any given side. It must protect all the victims of this conflict; and all civilians in conflicts to come. The judges of the ICC will ultimately determine which warrants, if any, should be issued. And as investigations continue, we hope that state authorities, witnesses and survivors will engage with the judicial process.

Ultimately, we hope that this process will contribute to increased protections for civilians and sustainable peace in a region that has already endured too much.

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Why are chilling testimonies from doctors who have visited Gaza being ignored?

Arwa Mahdawi

Arwa Mahdawi

Source: The Guardian

People claim the foreign doctors coming back from Gaza are lying. I wish that were the case, because the truth is beyond horrific Thu 17 Oct 2024 10.08 BSTShare

First come the bombs. A boom, then 2,000lb worth of destructive force flattening everything in its way. Severing limbs, vaporizing bodies, leaving craters full of blood and rubble where children used to play.

Then come the drones. As the dust settles, the drones start to swarm, picking off any survivors. Armed quadcopters; ingeniously engineered killing machines hunting for human prey. The drones, many of which seem to be autonomous, shoot everything that moves. Even if it’s a helpless child, the drone will sometimes shoot: firing lethal bullets into a soft skull. A scene straight out of a dystopian sci-fi movie set on some desolate dust-covered planet. Except it’s not sci-fi; it’s reality. It’s happening right now in Gaza.

Bombs then drones. Bombs then drones. This was the pattern described time and time again by patients to Dr Nizam Mamode, a retired British surgeon who recently came back from working at the ravaged Nasser hospital in Gaza. Mamode, who went to Gaza with Medical Aid for Palestinians (MAP), has worked in many war zones throughout his career. He’s been in Lebanon, Rwanda during the genocide, Sudan, Nicaragua. But, during a recent phone call, he told me what numerous other doctors have told numerous other media outlets: he’s never seen anything like Gaza.

The scale of civilian injuries, Mamode told me, was unprecedented. “Pretty much every day we’d have one or two mass casualty incidents and there would be 10-20 dead, 20-40 seriously injured … the majority of those were women and children, perhaps 60 to 70%.” These were mainly people, I want to stress, who were in areas that Israel had deemed safe. “The so-called humanitarian zone – I can’t even bring myself to call it the safe zone,” Mamode says. “So that green zone, you’ve got about a million, million and a half people crammed into that area. Many of them are in so-called tents. The tents are often just bits of plastic stuck on poles.”

What Dr Mamode is saying is not new; there have been a lot of harrowing accounts from doctors who have come back from Gaza. In April, for example, the Guardian published a report based on testimony from nine doctors, all but one of them foreign volunteers, along with eyewitness accounts which “appear to back up claims that Israeli soldiers have fired on civilians”.

Still, while there are plenty of these accounts out there, I called Mamode because some of the quotes I have read – stories of kids “shot perfectly in the temple” – are so disturbing that I just needed to hear them first-hand. I needed to ensure there wasn’t some mysterious nuance I was missing.

I also needed to understand why these stories don’t seem to be making any difference. What these doctors are saying should stop every normal human being in their tracks. They should keep you up at night; make you want to drop everything you are doing in order to stop the mass extermination that is unfolding in Gaza. And yet, testimony from scores of international doctors, some of which has been addressed directly to the Biden administration, seems to fall on deaf ears. The unconditional aid to Israel keeps flowing. Excuses for Israel’s genocidal violence keep coming. It’s self-defence, we are told. Israel has a right to self-defence.

Tell me: is this self-defence? One day, Mamode had to operate on a seven-year-old boy who was able to give a description of what happened to him. “He was knocked over by the blast from a bomb and was lying on the floor, heard this noise, looked up, there was a drone, and the drone fired at him. It caused severe injury to his chest and abdomen, his liver and spleen were damaged, his bowel was damaged and part of his stomach was hanging out of his chest. We heard descriptions like this over and over again. So it’s not just one maverick drone operator who may have gone a bit crazy. This was persistent.”

Bombs and drones aren’t the only killing machines in Gaza. There’s also disease and starvation: both caused by the cramped and unsanitary conditions along with Israel blocking medical supplies and food from entering the strip.

“[Israel] expressly forbade us from taking in anything that wasn’t for our personal use, even though we could easily have carried in medicines and equipment,” Mamode says. “And that’s a change because people who’d been with MAP earlier in the year had been able to take in some external fixators to treat fractures. Now they’re severely restricting medical supplies. When you cross into Gaza from Kerem Shalom, you see the tarmac covered for a long way – a kilometer probably – with supplies just lying on the tarmac. Even things like soap and shampoo are not allowed.”

Has Mamode ever seen anything like this, I ask again? He has worked in multiple conflict areas. Has he ever seen these kinds of restrictions?

“Never,” he says. “I have never seen medical supplies being restricted in this way. I’ve never seen people not being allowed to leave so that they’re crammed into this tiny space and they can’t get out. I’ve never seen persistent targeting of civilians, and I’ve never seen such persistent, deliberate targeting of aid workers, including healthcare workers.”

I want to be very clear here: aid workers do not operate haphazardly in Gaza – or anywhere else for that matter. They agree on their routes with the IDF. The leader of aid convoys is in close radio contact with the IDF. They get clearance to proceed. They share maps. They get the IDF to agree that they will not bomb certain safe houses. They take every possible precaution.

And yet, they still get shot at. While Mamode was in Gaza one of the ambulances from his hospital went to the site of a bombing and received four shots in the windscreen. “The fact that that convoy was shot at by the IDF is simply, in my view, to say to aid workers: ‘Think twice about coming here,’” he tells me. “I’ve never seen that. Certainly aid workers and healthcare staff in other conflicts sometimes get injured and or killed inadvertently. But I think in this conflict, they’ve been deliberately targeted. And that’s shocking.”

There is this famous quote attributed to the journalism professor Jonathan Foster that regularly does the rounds on social media: “If someone says it’s raining, and another person says it’s dry, it’s not your job to quote them both. Your job is to look out the fucking window and find out which is true.”

The problem with Gaza is that it is not easy to look out of the window because it has been barricaded shut. Foreign journalistsare not allowed in Gaza unless they are on IDF propaganda trips. Meanwhile Israel has been killing Palestinians reporting on the ground.

“The Israeli army’s elimination of journalists in Gaza – over 130 killed in less than a year – threatens to create a complete media blackout in the blockaded enclave,” Thibaut Bruttin the director general of Reporters Without Borders has said. “These attacks target not only the Palestinian press, but the international public’s right to information that is reliable, free, independent, and pluralist from one of the most closely watched conflict zones on the planet.”

Reports from doctors like Nizam Mamode are the closest thing that we have to reliable and independent information about what is happening in Gaza. They’re the closest thing we have to looking out of the window. And all of these doctors, all these people looking out of the window, are saying exactly the same thing: what is happening in Gaza cannot possibly be described as a normal war.

I spoke to Mamode for 40 minutes and this column only really scratches the surface of what he told me. I had nightmares for days after talking to him. And I’m sure he has nightmares too. It is easy for me to quote him, but it is harder for me to convey just how traumatized he sounded when we spoke.

Still, I know there will be people reading this who will argue that this is all an elaborate lie; who will simply refuse to believe their taxpayer money is funding this carnage. The New York Times recently received a massive backlash for publishing an opinion essay which, in the Times’s words: “Gathered first-hand testimonies from 65 US-based health professionals who worked in Gaza over the past year, who shared more than 160 photographs and videos with Times Opinion to corroborate their detailed accounts of treating preteen children who were shot in the head or chest.”

Even with all this evidence the Times got complaints from people saying that all the foreign doctors coming back from Gaza, reporting the same things, are lying. And those same people and pressure groups will similarly write to my editor calling me a liar. They will accuse me of wanting to make the extremist Israeli government, full of far-right politicians who salivate about genocide, look bad. They will say Hamas is responsible for all this. The IDF, they will say, is just acting in self-defence.

Let me tell you: I would love for nothing more than all of this to be a lie. Because the truth is a hell of a lot harder to swallow: Palestinians are being systematically exterminated with our taxpayer money and our politicians are doing absolutely nothing to stop it.

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Who took Charlie Kirk down?

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Write My Name on My Leg, MAMA

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Yafa: The Lost Palestinian Jewel by the Sea

Phalapoem editor, 7/04/25

Yafa (Jaffa), once known as the Bride of the Sea, is a Palestinian city rich in history, culture, and resilience. Overlooking the Mediterranean, Yafa was a thriving Palestinian hub before 1948—known for its bustling markets, historic architecture, and vibrant cultural life. Today, though much has changed, the heart of Yafa remains deeply Palestinian, a testament to the unbreakable bond between its people and their land.

A City of History and Prosperity

For centuries, Yafa was one of the most significant cities in Palestine. With a history dating back over 4,000 years, it was a center of trade, agriculture, and culture. By the early 20th century, Yafa was a leading Palestinian city, known for:

Thriving orange groves, especially the famous Jaffa oranges, which were exported worldwide.

A bustling port, connecting Palestine to the rest of the world.

A cultural renaissance, with newspapers, theaters, and literary circles flourishing.

The city was home to tens of thousands of Palestinians—Muslims and Christians—who lived, worked, and contributed to its rich social fabric.

The Nakba and the Loss of Yafa

In 1948, terrorist Zionist gangs  carried out a genocide on Yafa residents, forcibly displacing more than 95% of its Palestinian population.

Homes and businesses were stolen, and Palestinian families were forced onto boats or fled on foot, leaving behind generations of history.

• The once-thriving Palestinian neighborhoods were either destroyed or repopulated with settlers, while the remaining Palestinians were subjected to racist, military apartheid rule and oppression.

• Many of Yafa’s historic mosques and cultural landmarks were turned into museums, nightclubs, or abandoned, a deliberate attempt to erase Palestinian heritage.

Yafa Today: A Story of Resistance

Despite decades of attempts to erase its Palestinian identity, Yafa remains a city of resistance and survival:

• Thousands of Palestinian families still live in Yafa, preserving their language, traditions, and history.

• Palestinian activists, artists, and organizations work to revive the city’s heritage and protect Palestinian homes from ongoing demolitions and gentrification.

• The call to prayer still echoes from Al-Manshiyya and Al-Ajami mosques, a reminder that Yafa’s Palestinian spirit cannot be silenced.

A Symbol of Hope and Return

For Palestinians, Yafa is more than a city—it is a symbol of return, justice, and the right to live freely on their ancestral land. The streets of Al-Ajami, Manshiyya, and the old port still whisper the stories of those who once called Yafa home.

Though occupied, Yafa’s soul remains Palestinian, waiting for the day when its exiled sons and daughters can walk its shores once again, not as visitors, but as rightful inhabitants.

Yafa lives on—in memory, in history, and in the hearts of Palestinians everywhere.

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Electoral Rewards

S. T. Salah, 16/08/28

This audit examines how Israeli political leadership, public opinion, media systems, and electoral competition jointly shaped government policy toward Palestinians from 1948 to 2026. It focuses on the interaction between political rhetoric, voter behaviour, party platforms, and wartime mobilisation across Israel, East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza.

From the early years of statehood, cabinet debates and Knesset discussions framed Palestinians as a demographic and security threat. Palestinian citizens living under military rule were described by ministers as a “fifth column,” and land expropriation under the Absentees’ Property Law and Land Acquisition Law was justified as necessary for demographic security. Electoral competition centred on Jewish voters, while Arab satellite parties lacked the power to alter land or security policy.

After 1967, electoral incentives shifted toward territorial expansion. Governments annexed East Jerusalem, expropriated land, and authorised settlement blocs without electoral penalty. The 1977 Likud victory normalised settlement as a national project and integrated settlement movements into state planning and funding. Palestinian residents of the occupied territories remained excluded from the elections determining the policies governing their lives.

Explicit transfer rhetoric entered parliamentary politics in 1988 when Rehavam Ze’evi founded the Moledet party advocating removal of Palestinians and later served as a cabinet minister while maintaining this position. Senior officials repeatedly used dehumanising language; Chief of Staff Rafael Eitan said settlement would leave Palestinians “scurrying like cockroaches in a bottle,” and Defence Minister Yitzhak Rabin ordered soldiers to use “force, might and beatings” during the First Intifada.

From the Second Intifada onward, ministers and party leaders increasingly portrayed Palestinians collectively as terrorists and internal enemies. In 2014 Ayelet Shaked amplified calls to treat Palestinian children as enemies, and Naftali Bennett publicly stated he had “killed many Arabs.” During the May 2021 unrest, ministers framed violence in mixed cities as Arab rioting while Jewish mob attacks went largely uncondemned.

Electoral incentives reinforced these narratives. Governments campaigning on stronger military force and expanded settlement policies were repeatedly returned to power. Major Gaza wars and intensified settlement building occurred without electoral punishment and often strengthened incumbent governments’ political standing.

The 2022 election marked consolidation of annexationist and supremacist platforms. Coalition agreements committed to expanding settlements and extending Israeli sovereignty over parts of the West Bank, while ministers from far-right parties gained authority over policing, finance, and West Bank administration.

Public opinion repeatedly aligned with political leadership. Surveys across decades recorded support for segregation, transfer proposals, and reduced rights for Palestinian citizens. A 2016 Pew survey found nearly half of Jewish Israelis supported expulsion of Arabs and large majorities supported preferential treatment for Jews. During Gaza wars, polling showed strong support for bombardment and opposition to humanitarian aid.

Legal enforcement remained asymmetric. Palestinian politicians and activists faced prosecution for speech offences, while racist or genocidal rhetoric by Jewish officials rarely produced legal consequences. Polling by the Israel Democracy Institute and the Haifa University Index of Arab–Jewish Relations recorded majority support for segregation, opposition to Arab parties joining governing coalitions, and backing for loyalty-based citizenship measures. After October 2023, multiple polls reported majority opposition to humanitarian aid entering Gaza and strong support for continued military operations despite starvation and genocide.

Economic incentives reinforced electoral outcomes. Settlements offered subsidised housing and infrastructure, while the occupation economy generated employment and investment in construction, technology, and security sectors. Parties promising expansion benefited from these constituencies.

The record shows that political rhetoric, public opinion, and electoral competition operated as a single system that repeatedly rewarded policies of territorial expansion, military control, and denial of Palestinian political self-determination across decades.

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Who gives Israel license to kill Palestinians?

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Break The Silence

Phalapoem editor, 15/08/26

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Who Should Be Condemned and Punished: The Occupier with Apartheid Policies or the People Living Under Brutal, Illegal Occupation?

Phalapoem 21/11/25

In every chapter of modern history, one fundamental principle has guided the international community’s moral compass: an oppressed people’s struggle for dignity cannot be equated with the deliberate machinery of oppression itself. When we ask, “Who should be condemned—the occupier with apartheid policies or the people living under a brutal illegal occupation?” we are really asking a deeper question: Where does responsibility lie—on those who impose systemic injustice or on those who suffer under its weight?

1. International Law Is Unambiguous: Occupation Imposes Responsibility on the Occupier

Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, the Hague Regulations, and over 30 UN Security Council resolutions, the occupying power holds the primary legal and moral responsibility for the conditions under occupation.

Key obligations include:

• Protecting the civilian population living under occupation

• Prohibiting collective punishment

• Refraining from annexation or demographic engineering

• Respecting freedom of movement, political expression, and economic life

When an occupier instead implements apartheid structures, violates international law, and enforces a system of domination and segregation, condemnation becomes not political rhetoric but a legal requirement.

2. Apartheid Is a Crime of Power—Not a Response to Powerlessness

Apartheid, as defined in the Rome Statute and the International Convention on Apartheid, is the systematic oppression of one group by another with the intent to maintain domination. It is institutional, structural, and rooted in coercive control.

People living under occupation do not design checkpoints, build walls, confiscate land, demolish homes, deny freedom of movement, or restrict water, borders, and airspace.

They do not:

• Control a military apparatus

• Dictate the legal structure

• Possess sovereignty

• Create the policies that define daily life

Apartheid is not a spontaneous reaction of the oppressed; it is a policy of the powerful. Condemnation must logically rest on those who construct, expand, and enforce such a system.

3. Resistance vs. Oppression: The False Equivalence

Throughout history—from Algeria to Ireland, from South Africa to India—occupying powers have attempted to equate the resistance of the oppressed with the violence of the oppressor.

This is a well-documented strategy:

• Criminalize dissent

• Label all forms of resistance as extremism

• Justify harsher control

• Shift attention away from systemic abuses

But moral analysis requires context. A population denied basic rights for generations does not operate from the same position as a state with an army, an economy, and full international recognition.

Condemning those living under occupation for resisting is like condemning prisoners for struggling against their jailer while ignoring the existence of the prison itself.

4. Human Rights Are Universal—But Violations Are Not Equal

No one is above criticism. Individuals under occupation can commit crimes, and these must be condemned individually.

But equating such acts with the systematic, state-sponsored, decades-long violation of an entire population’s rights is intellectually dishonest.

A violent act committed by an individual cannot be compared to:

• Institutionalized segregation

• Indefinite military rule

• Land annexation

• Displacement and settlement expansion

• Denial of civil rights

• Collective punishment

• Blockades and sieges 

    .  Genocide and starvation 

One is episodic and personal; the other is structural and intentional.

5. The Real Question: Who Holds the Power to End the Suffering?

People under occupation do not have the political power, military capacity, or legal authority to end the conflict.

Only the occupier holds:

• Territorial control

• Military dominance

• The power to lift restrictions

• The ability to negotiate borders

• The authority to dismantle apartheid structures

Responsibility for ending injustice lies with the one who creates and maintains the system, not the one who survives it. People of the occupying power are responsible for their choice of keeping their superiority  and dominations. They can choose other means of ending their oppression.

6. History’s Verdict Is Clear

History judges empires, not the people they colonized.

It judged:

• Apartheid South Africa, not Black South Africans

• British colonial rule in India, not Indians seeking freedom

• French rule in Algeria, not Algerians under occupation

And it will judge modern occupations with the same clarity.

When deciding who bears moral and legal responsibility, the answer is unequivocal:

Condemnation belongs to the occupier that imposes fascist and  apartheid policies and violates the fundamental rights of an entire population, not to the people living under a brutal illegal occupation.

To condemn the oppressed for resisting is to demand that they accept injustice quietly.

To condemn the occupier is to uphold international law, historical precedent, and the universal values of human dignity.

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Zionism and Fictitious Divine Promises: Unmasking the Dangers in Palestine

Astromystic, 28/12/25

Theodor Herzl (born May 2, 1860, Budapest, Hungary, Austrian Empire [now in Hungary]—died July 3, 1904, Edlach, Austria) founder of the political form of Zionism, a movement to establish a Jewish homeland.

In the realm of beliefs and religious texts, interpreting outdated scriptures literally, either purposely or due to religious indoctrination, can lead to an exclusive mindset, a false sense of superiority, brutality justifying violence, ethnic-based discrimination, and the extreme denial of basic human rights to others. Meticulously interpreted and intolerant religious beliefs serve as instruments for committing massacres, forcibly expelling people from their land, claiming divine commands, and asserting unjustifiable superiority over others. This is the story of Zionism in Palestine. The absurdity lies in the fact that no one has spoken to God or signed a contract with Him to bestow preferential qualities upon a racial group over the rest of humanity.

Zionism and the Torah: A Divine Justification

Zionism, aiming to establish a Jewish state in historic Palestine, draws inspiration from the Torah. The concept of Amalek takes center stage, mentioned by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu during the war on Gaza in October 2023. In the Torah, Amalek is portrayed as adversaries of the Israelites, initiating a brutal attack during their alleged exodus from Egypt. Most Zionist interpretations take this story literally, viewing every land acquisition as a divine gift. This belief justifies Israel’s actions, particularly in Gaza, causing civilian casualties and making the region uninhabitable. This is not an individual belief; rather, it’s a common belief among all Israeli people. The world has witnessed this, watching Israeli Occupation Force (IOF) soldiers chanting Amalek’s song for killing children and annihilating everything in Gaza. It is implanted in the minds of kids in kindergartens and schools.

The Distorted Command: Legitimizing Brutality

The command to “utterly destroy” Amalek, found in 1 Samuel 15:3, is used to legitimize acts resembling historical conquests, resulting in the brutal elimination and ethnic cleansing of the entire Palestinian population. This allowed Jews, expelled from Europe in the early 20th century, to confiscate lands from its indigenous people. It’s crucial to recognize that many peaceful and good Jews worldwide do not interpret the Torah in this extreme manner, rejecting the entire narrative of Zionists. It predominantly represents an extremist Zionist viewpoint that rationalizes long-term objectives, putting at risk the rights and existence of Palestinians.

Living Under Superstition: A Call for Reevaluation

Living under this superstitious religious narrative demands attention from human rights advocates and intellectuals worldwide. The danger escalates when literal interpretations justify actions that blatantly violate the basic rights of others. Urgent reevaluation is needed to dispute the narrative justifying the killing of Palestinians and the illegal confiscation of their lands in this alleged secular and democratic country. It’s time to expose and end the injustice fueled by the misuse of religious interpretation.

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Who Are The Victims ?

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