We stand firmly against injustice in all its forms. Nothing can justify the current war crimes committed by Israel in occupied Palestine. Equally, nothing can excuse the continued support offered by other nations to this apartheid regime. If you believe in human rights, dignity, and justice, then we urge you to boycott this rogue state. Silence is complicity, do what’s right.
The world saw the footage from Israeli detention camps — torture, humiliation, and sexual abuse of Palestinian hostages. These aren’t “isolated incidents”; they’re part of a fascist system that strips Palestinians of humanity and silences those who expose the truth meanwhile worshipping the perpetrators.
Welcome to Israeli apartheid-the only ‘democracy’ in the Middle East where sexual abuse is not only permitted but worshipped too.
Facts cannot be hidden nor considered as hatred.
Neutrality in the face of injustice is complicity.
Accountability isn’t optional — it’s the minimum we owe every victim.
The Israeli settlement in the occupied Palestinian territories is a primary strategy pursued by the Israeli entity to achieve its goals, with the fundamental objective being to solidify Israel’s foothold in Palestine. Abandoning this strategy is considered an existential threat to the Zionist entity, which regards the land of Palestine as the historical land of Israel from which Jews were exiled and must return to resume their history. This concept of settlement, embraced by the Zionist movement since the mid-18th century, evolved significantly after World War I and was notably propelled forward by the Balfour Declaration on November 2, 1917. This declaration promised the establishment of a “national home for the Jewish people in Palestine” while ensuring that this would not prejudice the civil and religious rights of non-Jewish communities in Palestine, marking the first clear signal towards the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine.
Furthermore, settlement carries a religious Torah-based dimension for Jews and has been politically leveraged to establish a Jewish state, rooted in the idea of “a land without a people for a people without a land.” Jabotinsky worked to instill settlement ideals in Jewish generations, asserting that “Zionism is the settlement, and it lives or dies by the issue of force.” These ideas were later adopted by Israeli leaders such as Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, and Ariel Sharon, and have deeply influenced Zionist political, security, and media discourse, becoming a cornerstone of all Zionist parties’ programs.
Over time, both right-wing and left-wing Israeli governments have pursued land confiscation and settlement construction under the guise of security, despite international condemnations. These policies continued even through peace initiatives like the Oslo Accords and the 2003 Roadmap for Peace, which failed to halt Israeli settlement activities or stubbornness, including the construction of bypass roads and the annexation of settlements to Israel, facilitating Jewish immigration from around the world to Palestinian areas in a process of replacement that underscores policies of ethnic cleansing.
Settlers have formed demographic blocs that infiltrate Palestinian communities, strategically situated atop significant groundwater reserves in the West Bank and consuming these waters at the expense of Palestinians. These settlement outposts have transformed into fortified compounds, becoming sources of terrorism and attacks against Palestinian civilians, posing a constant threat to the security and property of Palestinian citizens.
Israeli settlements refer to communities established by Israel in territories it occupied after the 1967 Six-Day War, including the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. These settlements range from small villages to large towns and are inhabited by Israeli citizens. The international community, including the United Nations, generally considers these settlements to be illegal under international law, a stance that Israel disputes.
The history of Israeli settlement activity dates to the immediate aftermath of the 1967 war, when Israel captured the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. The initial settlements were established for a variety of reasons, including strategic military concerns, religious and historical claims to the land, and the Israeli government’s policy decisions. Over the decades, the settlement enterprise has grown significantly, with a profound impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the lives of people in the region.
The establishment and expansion of settlements have been a contentious issue in peace negotiations and have contributed to the complexity of achieving a two-state solution. The settlements are seen by many Palestinians and international actors as an obstacle to peace, as they involve the appropriation of land and resources that could form part of a future Palestinian state.
All successive Israeli governments have adopted a policy of building and expanding settlements in the West Bank, offering incentives and facilitations to encourage Israeli migration there. From having no settlements in 1967, the beginning of 2023 saw around 176 settlements and 186 outposts in the West Bank, housing 726,427 settlers.
Israeli settlements constituted 42% of the West Bank’s area, with 68% of Area C—encompassing 87% of the West Bank’s natural resources, 90% of its forests, and 49% of its roads—controlled for the benefit of the settlements.
These settlement policies have entrenched the fragmentation of the West Bank, confining Palestinian citizens to isolated and discontinuous areas, fragmenting local markets and communities, obstructing economic and social development, violating Palestinian human rights, and eliminating the possibility of establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank.
The increase in settlement activities in the West Bank represents a serious and unnatural escalation in the Zionist settlement actions, particularly in the Jerusalem area which has been the primary focus of settlers and a systematic policy aimed at Judaizing Jerusalem.
Many Israeli entities, including media outlets that reveal numerous aspects of the internal Israeli societal turmoil, acknowledge that Israeli courts and the government have directly facilitated settlement activities. Anyone observing the policies of successive Israeli governments can see a harmony between settlers and state political apparatuses.
The goals Israel seeks to achieve through settlement activities vary from one area to another and change over time, influencing the selection, number, type, and nature of the settlers in these settlements. However, this diversity in objectives should not obscure the reality of the harmony and integration between the purposes of the settlements, as a single settlement can serve military, political, and economic purposes simultaneously.
There are several serious dimensions to Zionist settlement projects, among which the military aspect is crucial. Settlement projects are generally linked to Israeli military strategy, making security one of the most decisive factors in settlement policy. These settlements form a security barrier for the Israeli entity and are self-sufficient, built on military bases atop mountains and at strategic road intersections.
On the other hand, there’s the ideological dimension, based on religious ideological considerations that aim to link settlement activities with prevailing ideological origins in Israel, such as claims to the lands of Solomon and David and the assertion of the Land of Israel as the promised land. These religious beliefs are deeply ingrained in Zionist settlement thought and represent one of the most significant motivations for settlement activities, especially among religious Jews.
The political dimension of settlement is arguably the supreme goal that Israeli authorities strive to achieve, especially in terms of solidifying Israel’s political status and expanding its geographical footprint by legitimizing the settlements.
Another dimension of the settlements is economic, where settlement activities aim to achieve a set of economic goals that Israel seeks through agricultural activity, control over water resources, and the creation of large settlement cities. The goal is to attract as many settlers as possible to expand Israel’s demographic distribution and establish industrial centers, like factories for tobacco, juices, and plastics, enhancing the Israeli economy.
The final dimension of the settlements is demographic, aiming to achieve a series of demographic changes in the occupied territories by planting the highest possible number of Jewish density in Palestinian lands. This includes creating integrated Jewish communities connected to Israeli society internally and turning Palestinians into a marginalized and besieged minority.
Therefore, settlements are not a tactical choice in Israeli actions but a strategic one aimed at undermining the Palestinian option of establishing a state based on the borders of June 4, 1967. Statistics indicate that over half a million settlers in the Palestinian territories and hundreds of settlements in the West Bank will make Palestinians live in cantons and enclosed boxes surrounded by settlements, impeding any possibility of a contiguous and viable Palestinian state.
The rapid expansion and assimilation into Palestinian territories pose a direct and formidable challenge on the ground for the coming years, making it increasingly difficult for Israel to be asked to abandon settlements or to relocate or repatriate millions of settlers to their homeland. This expansion is a manifest reality that asserts itself forcefully in Palestinian territories.
In his critique, former Israeli Knesset member Yehoshua Ben-Ari, writing in the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth on January 14, 2012, stated, “The truth is there is no Zionism without settlement, and no Jewish state without the eviction of Arabs and the confiscation and fencing of their lands.” This statement encapsulates the practical manifestation of Zionist ideology on the ground, which is based on the appropriation of Palestinian land by any means necessary, including religious and historical justifications, and the assertion of the notion “a land without a people for a people without a land,” with the ultimate goal of establishing an exclusive Zionist state.
It is clear, beyond a doubt, that hundreds of settlements established since the 1967 occupation have transformed some of these settlements into major cities and communities for Jewish settlers, while others are in the process of development. Many political analysts question the feasibility of establishing a Palestinian state amidst these settlements. Political analyst and researcher Mohammed Al-Khatib mentioned in an interview that settlements are a tangible reality and it is impossible to conceive an independent Palestinian state with the existence of hundreds of settlements and settlement outposts. If a Palestinian state were to emerge, it would be a fragmented and weak state, comprised of small disconnected enclaves and cities in name only.
Despite numerous international resolutions declaring the illegality of the settlements and recognizing them as an obstacle to peace and the resolution of the conflict, there is an implicit acknowledgment by the U.S. administration of its limited power against the settlement project initiated by Israel. Former President Jimmy Carter, one of the most outspoken critics of the settlement phenomenon, has been quoted in The Washington Post expressing his opposition to settlement activities, highlighting the challenge they pose to peace efforts and the two-state solution.
In this context, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, in his March 2010 statements, expressed strong opposition to Israel in international resolutions and called for the dismantlement of settlements, stating that such formulations were “unrealistic and impractical.”
Joseph Weitz, the head of settlement in the Jewish Agency, stated in the newspaper Davar on September 26, 1967, that he and other Zionist leaders had concluded that there is no room for both the Arab and Jewish peoples in this country. Achieving Zionist goals requires the depopulation of Palestine, or a part of it, from its Arab inhabitants, suggesting that Arabs should be transferred to neighboring countries. After completing this population transfer, Palestine could then accommodate millions of Jews.
In light of discussions on the final geography of the occupied territories in 1967, Dutch geographer Ben de Jong predicted that those expecting the map of Jerusalem presented at the final status negotiations to match its post-1967 status would be completely surprised. The map is likely to extend from Beit Ummar just outside Hebron in the north to Modi’in in the west and a few kilometers outside Jericho in the east.
This vast area, considered by Israel as part of Greater Jerusalem, covers approximately 1250 square kilometers, three-quarters of which lie within the West Bank. Thus, the current expanded form of Jerusalem, slightly less than the future vision outlined by De Jong, represents about a quarter of the West Bank territories.
This plan of Israel is not only a geographical assault but also a fierce attack on culture, religion, and history. It represents a bold ambition in rejecting diversity, coexistence, and the concept of a people without land, aiming to dominate culture and history and severing the connections of Palestinian territories in the West Bank, East, and West Jerusalem as part of a systematic policy.
Settlement construction processes are undertaken by contractors from the private sector based on projects proposed by the Ministry of Housing in public tenders. The construction is also based on principles issued by the Minister of Housing or the Prime Minister himself, and these projects are approved by the official Israeli Project Approval Committee. The Israeli government supports these with all its capabilities by establishing utilities and providing all means of life, including water and electricity projects. On multiple occasions, senior Israeli officials have defended the settlers and settlement policy, stating that the Israeli government will mobilize all its resources and energy to ensure not a single settler is left without water or electricity.
Israel justifies settlement practices in the occupied territories and Jerusalem as necessary for maintaining security and order in the areas under its control. It relies on the laws and regulations of military occupation, allowing occupying forces to undertake such actions in the occupied territories if necessary for military reasons and security requirements. Despite Western approaches and contradictory claims, Israel insists that the Israeli settlements spread across the occupied Palestinian territories are the result of individual and collective volunteer efforts, distancing the state’s direct involvement.
Regardless of Israeli narratives regarding settlement activities, whether security, political, or expansionist claims, the reality on the ground, as evidenced in research, studies, and books, shows that the settlement project is a strategic, systematic initiative continuously supported by the Israeli government. The numbers indicate an escalating trend of settlements that is expected to grow significantly in the coming years. These settlements will intertwine with Palestinian villages and cities, and surrounding rural areas, leaving the Palestinian leadership with limited means to counteract this settlement expansion and aggressive encroachment
The Terrorists Israeli settlers think that Palestinians are Arabs and therefore throwing stones at them and bombing their homes is normal.
Demand protection for Palestinian civilians, independent investigations, punishment of Israeli terrorists and end the Israeli apartheid and their brutal occupation of Palestine.
Two years passed before a word was exchanged between them. They had only met at huge weddings of mutual acquaintances and swapped looks from across big halls. Hassan asked about Samira via one of her cousins. He found out she was a very serious girl, dedicated to her studies and determined to become an architect. Hassan knew very little about architecture, but read up on the subject.
In one second-hand architecture book he found a postcard of London Bridge, probably used as a book marker. He sent her the post card, merely stating she had been in his thoughts ever since seeing her at the wedding of Ahmed and Fatima two years ago. He described the dress she was wearing and wished her and her family well. That was all. He was surprised he could hold his hand steady long enough to write her these five sentences. He doubted she remembered.
Her cousin slipped her the postcard in a crowd at the local market when he thought nobody was looking. Hassan received an answer. She greeted him and reminded him he had done some card tricks for the kids at the wedding and at every other wedding they had attended together. She remembered him. Hassan was overjoyed. He literally jumped for joy until his father asked him if he had lost his mind.
His joy did not last long.
The next time Hassan saw Samira was in his professional capacity. Hassan is an ambulance driver.
Even with her rib cage crushed by debris from her family’s home in Gaza she still looked like the most beautiful sight his eyes had ever met.
He found out via her cousin she had kept the postcard in her prayer book and had looked at it five times a day.
Hassan, as an ambulance driver, carries a lot of pain inside him. He rarely smiles and will do anything to make kids laugh. Heaviest is the weight of all the may have beens.
We threw the Gazan prisoner to the ground, crushed him on his stomach, beat him violently, then stripped him of all his clothes, lifted his buttocks up, blindfolded and shackled by his feet and hands, then surprised us with a hose that was ejected from his back, opened the test valve completely and forcefully, water was forced deep inside him, we silenced his screams by stepping on his mouth with a sledgehammer, raped him with the fireman’s hose, a shock in the body from bottom to top, the hose is still pumping and destroying the tunnels of the prisoner’s body, the tunnels of Gaza and its being, its being and its dreams, it is the amazing discovery in the Sde Teiman camp, and we were happy, laughing, enjoying and praying, reading the verse of the extermination of the Amalekites, not only by sword and cannon, the new sexual torture, the prisoner dies a thousand times during the performance of this sixth Talmudic ritual, it is the will of the Lord who called us to kill and exterminate their offspring because they are human, barbaric, criminal and subhuman.
No, I discovered the pipe pumping into the prisoner’s body, we sent the pictures to Ben Gvir’s office and took control of the Christian parties, all the living people of Israel heard the screams of the Gazan prisoner, we are the executioners of heaven, the sons of light and divine will, for the Lord has a war with the giants of Palestine from generation to generation, choose our war of independence second, we will fight on land, sea and air comprehensively, a beautiful lady was completed in this desert, the voice of the prisoner was silenced, he drowned and suffocated, and did not swell and stagger and be silent and be silent until the end, we have accomplished our historical mission, and destroyed his body will not control the organs and the will of knowledge, nor will we be completely destroyed.
Hello, hello, can you hear us, the military unit in the Israeli army (Force 100) that is responsible for torturing and guarding Palestinian prisoners in the Sde Teiman camp? We are the living people of Israel, we are the government, the ministers, the members of the Knesset, the police, the intelligence, and the judges, we are the academics, the institutions, and the media, we are on the line with you and we are waiting for the Gazan prisoner’s entrails, liver, spleen, veins, and internal tissues to explode. Hello, hello.. We hear him writhe, scream, curl up and convulse, we still watch him as he disintegrates, we raped him in an innovative and modern way that even European executioners in the dark ages of brutality did not discover, we stuffed a telephone inside him through his anus, and we are in contact with his depths, the device is still ringing inside him, telling us that the Gazan prisoner is being torn apart little by little, bleeding profusely, we are erasing Gaza from existence, not only by dropping thousands of tons of bombs and missiles on people’s heads, but by raping its men and women, its ideas, its soul and its identity, what a wonderful scene this is, we celebrated and danced and sang, we felt lust, satisfaction and sexual ecstasy, and now the telephone has fallen silent and the prisoner has fallen silent as well, we have won and our agitated instincts have subsided.
O living people of Israel, we are the most moral IDF in the world. We tortured the Gazan prisoner and broke his bones. We tightened the plastic handcuffs on his hands until one of them was amputated. The blood flowed, awakening all desires in us. We saw him relieve himself in a diaper, crawling on his feet and hands and barking loudly, and the party grew louder and more complete. We stuffed a stick in his buttocks once, and a bottle and a gun barrel another time. Naked, shackled, he writhed and vomited and bled. We reconstructed his human structure to become a primitive animal, eaten by scabies, worms and hallucinations from lack of sleep, hunger, epilepsy and electric shocks. We raped him and craniated everything in his stomach, not to extract confessions or information, but for fun, entertainment and revenge. These are our iron swords. There are no rules of engagement, no laws. We are the bloody militias, we are the armed Torah. Here is God’s slaughterhouse, here is the excitement. And lust, violence and sexual orgies.
O living people of Israel, we are the force (100) in the Sde Teiman camp, we rape male and female prisoners in order to revive our state from the shock of October 7 and the fall of its walls and arrogance, and we give you good news that we have set a superior record in the torture record that no prison in the world has reached, even in Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib. We have killed 60 prisoners in ten months, we have practiced mass rape of male and female prisoners, and the Gaza Holocaust has become more horrific than the Nazi Holocaust. In order for the state of Israel to live, Palestine must die, Palestine must be erased, and Gaza must burn.
What a wonderful pleasure this summer night in the Sde Timan camp, we released one of our dogs trained to have sex on one of the Gazan prisoners, and it was a horrific and dramatic scene, biting, raping, biting and predation, a night of horror that reminds us of the bloody scenes in the Roman amphitheaters in the Middle Ages, devouring the body and tearing its flesh and bones, the dog having sex with the prisoner and we cheered and applauded and broadcasted the pictures as they happened. It is a tempting scene, to see the prisoner in the most extreme state of humiliation, pain and weakness, to die internally is better than his external and physical death, and the dog is still on top of the prisoner, breathing into him all forms of animal obscenity and his hungry secretions, we enjoyed, hysteria and madness and shaking and screaming, it is the most despicable chapter in the war of extermination that we are waging, the destruction of human life, extinguishing the prisoner of all his values, energies and vitality and stripping him of his humanity, destroying him and stripping him of his dignity and distorting it forever and ever, we are the force (100), Hitler’s armed battalions in the Sde Teman camp.
O living people of Israel, the results of the poll conducted by Channel 12, which says that 47% of the Israeli people support and endorse the rape of prisoners, confirm that there is support for the practice of rape and sexual violence against prisoners. It is a legitimate means of torture and a more effective tool than firearms.
Thank you to our state, which has become a state of rape, prostitution and tyranny in the Middle East. It is immunity and protection for us from prosecution and accountability. Thank you to the activists who arrived at the Sde Teiman camp to protect us from arrest. The people are with us, and the government with all its facilities and apparatuses is with us. We are national heroes. Thank you for the promotions we have received and the medals. Thank you to Ben Gvir, who is working to enact legislation to protect our actions, crimes and despicable practices.
O living people of Israel, we continue to rape the prisoners by all means, we strip them naked, torture them, beat them on their genitals, tighten the clamps on them and castrate them, we continue until we can slaughter the red cow and the temple is built, we continue to demolish the temple of the prisoner and burn his body in torture, abuse and rape, we are the troubled and perverted soldiers, afflicted with all psychological and mental illnesses, we are the mafia working in the Sde Teiman camp, we are still at the crime scene, drinking blood, practicing execution and concealment, satisfying our sexual desires for revenge, we are above the law, and the rules of warfare set by the United Nations and civilized nations do not apply to us, nothing scares us, we will take off the masks, our faces are clear.
O living people of Israel, we are the force (100) in the Sde Teiman camp, we have excelled in discovering brilliant theories of sexual torture, we tame the prisoners by beating them daily, we put out cigarettes on their bodies, we starve them, curse them and tie them up around the clock, we drag them and make them sleep naked on the ground, no clothes, no showers and no ventilation, we lead them to the theatre of military operations as human shields, we carry out Ben Gvir’s instructions to execute the prisoners by shooting them in the head and not improving their conditions, the prisoners are crammed into cages, and each cage has a name: the cage of hell, , the cage of the barn, the cage of rape and sexual pleasure, insects devour their bodies, diseases and foul odors, mold and bodies decomposing, fascist and barbaric chaos, satanic parties, music and death and kicking and violence and howling, their bodies turn into a pressure cooker and a melting pot, they are excellent targets for achieving victory (dirty Arabushim), we give them meals from sexual torture, we are an army of cold-blooded rapists, that’s really the magical beauty of this dirty war.
You have stood here longer than memory — your roots gripping the earth like an ancient prayer. I see your silver leaves shimmer in the morning sun, whispering to the wind that carries the scent of thyme and soil. Generations have rested beneath your shade, and in their silence, you have listened — to laughter, to songs of harvest, and to the soft cries of farewell.
You are not merely a tree; you are the heart of Palestine. In your gnarled trunk lives the story of endurance. Through drought and storm, through the ache of loss and the quiet hope of dawn, you remain — steadfast, patient, unyielding. Each olive you bear is a promise, a reminder that life continues even when the world forgets to notice.
I write to you as one writes to a beloved — with longing, with gratitude, with the ache of distance. For though borders may divide and time may scatter us, your roots remind me that we all grow from the same soil of memory. You are the keeper of our names, the witness to our seasons, the living symbol of what it means to belong.
And so, I begin these letters — not to mourn, but to remember; not to grieve, but to celebrate the love that endures as surely as your branches reach for the light.
Years after it was deemed illegal by a UN court, the wall continues to cut through and divide Palestinian communities.
About 85 percent of the wall falls within the West Bank rather than running along the internationally recognised 1967 boundary, known as the Green Line. [Al Jazeera]
Published On 8 Jul 20208 Jul 2020
Thursday marks the 16th anniversary since the International Court of Justice (ICJ) deemed Israel’s separation wall illegal.
In 2002, Israel started constructing the wall, slicing through Palestinian communities, agricultural fields, and farmland at the height of the second Intifada.
The wall has been described by Israeli officials as a necessary security precaution against “terrorism”.
Palestinians, however, have decried it as an Israeli mechanism to annex Palestinian territory as it is built deep within the West Bank and not along the 1967 Green Line, the generally recognised boundary between Israel and the West Bank.
While the ICJ’s decision is non-binding, it found the wall violates international law and called for its dismantlement. It also ruled Israel should pay reparations for any damage caused.
A month after the ICJ decision, the UN General Assembly (UNGA) voted overwhelmingly to demand Israel to comply with the UN’s highest legal body.
The vote called on UN member states “not to recognise the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall in the occupied Palestinian territory, including in and around East Jerusalem“, and “not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction”.
The Israeli separation barrier divides East Jerusalem and the Palestinian West Bank town of Qalandia. [File: Thomas Coex/AFP]Israel’s separation barrier covered in graffiti, one depicting the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat at the Qalandiya checkpoint between Jerusalem and the West Bank city of Ramallah. [File: Sebastian Scheiner/AP]The Israeli settlement of Pisgat Zeev (left), built in a suburb of the mostly Arab East Jerusalem, and the Palestinian Shuafat refugee camp behind Israel’s controversial separation wall. [File: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP]The wall separating East Jerusalem from the Palestinian village of Abu Dis. [File: Emmanuel Dunand/AFP]A Palestinian man rides his motorcycle past a mural of US President Donald Trump on Israel’s controversial separation barrier in the West Bank city of Bethlehem. [File: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP]Palestinian farmers harvest their olives in the southern West Bank village of the monastery of Samet, near the Israeli separation wall in Hebron. [Abed al-Hashlamoun/EPA]A man walks along a road by Israel’s controversial separation barrier between the occupied West Bank village of Nazlat Issa (left) and the Arab-Israeli town of Baqa al-Gharbiya (right) in northern Israel. [File: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP]The Israeli barrier at the Palestinian town of Abu Dis in the Israeli-occupied West Bank east of Jerusalem. [Ammar Awad/Reuters]A segregated Israeli highway near Jerusalem that features a large concrete wall segregating Israeli and Palestinian traffic. Critics have branded the road an ‘apartheid highway’, saying it is part of a planned segregated road system that would benefit Israelis exclusively. [Mahmoud Illean/AP]
Before 1948 (the Nakba), when the State of Israel was established after committing many massacres against the Palestinian people and displacing them from their cities and villages, Palestine was under British colonialism. During this time, the currency used was the Palestinian pound. The Palestinian pound was introduced in 1927 and served as the official currency until the establishment of the Zionist occupation state.
The Palestinian pound was linked to the British pound sterling, and both currencies circulated in the region. Banknotes and coins issued for the Palestinian pound included various symbols and images related to the region.
The Palestine Pound was replaced by the Israeli Pound. The economic and political changes in the region influenced the currency choices in different areas, with the Jordanian Dinar being used in certain territories, and the Israeli Shekel becoming the official currency in Israel.
The Palestinian Pound was subdivided into 1,000 mils. Mils were used as a subunit for both coins and banknotes. Mils were commonly used in smaller denominations of coins, such as 1 mil, 2 mills, 5 mils, 10 mils, 20 mils, 50 mills, and 100 mils.Pounds were used for larger denominations, such as 1 Pound, 5 Pounds, 10 Pounds, 50 Pounds, and 100 Pounds.
Background:
Olive trees carry more than an economic significance in the lives of Palestinians. They are not just like any another trees, they are symbolic of Palestinians’ attachment to their land.
Olive groves beneath the Palestinian sun,
Symbolic bastions in a battle not yet won.
Draught-resistant, in struggles deeply sown,
They epitomize resilience, a people's own.
Through the annals, witnesses steadfast and true,
To Palestinian history, steadfast and imbued.
Tended meticulously, through generations vast,
Yet, the Israeli occupation looms, an ominous cast.
Settlers' relentless assaults, a ceaseless plight,
Permits and tribulations, an ongoing fight.
Harvest season's joy, tinged with disquiet,
Families gather, resilience put to the test.
In the crucible of challenges, they endure,
Olive branches reaching, a symbol demure.
From ancient groves to distant shores,
A narrative of tenacity, echoing forevermore.
