Strapped down, blindfolded, held in diapers: Israeli whistleblowers detail abuse of Palestinians in shadowy detention center

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Patrick Gallagher/CNN

Source:CNN

Updated 10:23 AM EDT, Fri May 10, 2024

At a military base that now doubles as a detention centerin Israel’s Negev desert, an Israeli working at the facility snapped two photographs of a scene that he says continues to haunt him.

Rows of men in gray tracksuits are seen sitting on paper-thin mattresses, ringfenced by barbed wire. All appear blindfolded, their heads hanging heavy under the glare of floodlights.

A putrid stench filled the air and the room hummed with the men’s murmurs, the Israeli who was at the facility told CNN. Forbidden from speaking to each other, the detainees mumbled to themselves.

“We were told they were not allowed to move. They should sit upright. They’re not allowed to talk. Not allowed to peek under their blindfold.”

Guards were instructed “to scream uskot” –shut up in Arabic – and told to “pick people out that were problematic and punish them,” the source added.

A leaked photograph of the detention facility shows a blindfolded man with his arms above his head.

A leaked photograph of the detention facility shows a blindfolded man with his arms above his head. Obtained by CNN

CNN spoke to three Israeli whistleblowers who worked at the Sde Teiman desert camp, which holds Palestinians detained during Israel’s invasion of Gaza. All spoke out at risk of legal repercussions and reprisals from groups supportive of Israel’s hardline policies in Gaza.

They paint a picture of a facility where doctors sometimes amputated prisoners’ limbs due to injuries sustained from constant handcuffing; of medical procedures sometimes performed by underqualified medics earning it a reputation for being “a paradise for interns”; and where the air is filled with the smell of neglected wounds left to rot.

We were told they were not allowed to move. They should sit upright. They’re not allowed to talk. Not allowed to peek under their blindfold.

An Israeli whistleblower recounting his experience at Sde Teiman 

According to the accounts, the facility some 18 miles from the Gaza frontier is split into two parts: enclosures where around 70 Palestinian detainees from Gaza are placed under extreme physical restraint, and a field hospital where wounded detainees are strapped to their beds, wearing diapers and fed through straws.

“They stripped them down of anything that resembles human beings,” said one whistleblower, who worked as a medic at the facility’s field hospital.

“(The beatings) were not done to gather intelligence. They were done out of revenge,” said another whistleblower. “It was punishment for what they (the Palestinians) did on October 7 and punishment for behavior in the camp.”

Responding to CNN’s request for comment on all the allegations made in this report, the Israeli military, known as the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), said in a statement: “The IDF ensures proper conduct towards the detainees in custody. Any allegation of misconduct by IDF soldiers is examined and dealt with accordingly. In appropriate cases, MPCID (Military Police Criminal Investigation’s Division) investigations are opened when there is suspicion of misconduct justifying such action.”

“Detainees are handcuffed based on their risk level and health status. Incidents of unlawful handcuffing are not known to the authorities.”

The IDF did not directly deny accounts of people being stripped of their clothing or held in diapers. Instead, the Israeli military said that the detainees are given back their clothing once the IDF has determined that they pose no security risk.

Reports of abuse at Sde Teiman have already surfaced in Israeli and Arab media after an outcry from Israeli and Palestinian rights groups over conditions there. But this rare testimony from Israelis working at the facility sheds further light on Israel’s conduct as it wages war in Gaza, with fresh allegations of mistreatment. It also casts more doubt on the Israeli government’s repeated assertions that it acts in accordance with accepted international practices and law.

CNN has requested permission from the Israeli military to access the Sde Teiman base. Last month, a CNN team covered a small protest outside its main gate staged by Israeli activists demanding the closure of the facility. Israeli security forces questioned the team for around 30 minutes there, demanding to see the footage taken by CNN’s photojournalist. Israel often subjects reporters, even foreign journalists, to military censorship on security issues.

Detained in the desert

The Israeli military has acknowledged partially converting three different military facilities into detention camps for Palestinian detainees from Gaza since the Hamas-led October 7 attack on Israel, in which Israeli authorities say about 1,200 were killed and over 250 were abducted, and the subsequent Israeli offensive in Gaza, killing nearly 35,000 people according to the strip’s health ministry. These facilities are Sde Teiman in the Negev desert, as well as Anatot and Ofer military bases in the occupied West Bank.

The camps are part of the infrastructure of Israel’s Unlawful Combatants Law, an amended legislation passed by the Knesset last December that expanded the military’s authority to detain suspected militants.

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Patrick Gallagher/CNN

The law permits the military to detain people for 45 days without an arrest warrant, after which they must be transferred to Israel’s formal prison system (IPS), where over 9,000 Palestinians are being held in conditions that rights groups say have drastically deteriorated since October 7. Two Palestinian prisoners associations said last week that 18 Palestinians – including leading Gaza surgeon Dr. Adnan al-Bursh – had died in Israeli custody over the course of the war.

The military detention camps – where the number of inmates is unknown – serve as a filtration point during the arrest period mandated by the Unlawful Combatants Law. After their detention in the camps, those with suspected Hamas links are transferred to the IPS, while those whose militant ties have been ruled out are released back to Gaza.

CNN interviewed over a dozen former Gazan detainees who appeared to have been released from those camps. They said they could not determine where they were held because they were blindfolded through most of their detention and cut off from the outside world. But the details of their accounts tally with those of the whistleblowers.

“We looked forward to the night so we could sleep. Then we looked forward to the morning in hopes that our situation might change,” said Dr. Mohammed al-Ran, recalling his detainment at a military facility where he said he endured desert temperatures, swinging from the heat of the day to the chill of night. CNN interviewed him outside Gaza last month.

Al-Ran, a Palestinian who holds Bosnian citizenship, headed the surgical unit at northern Gaza’s Indonesian hospital, one of the first to be shut down and raided as Israel carried out its aerial, ground and naval offensive.

He was arrested on December 18, he said, outside Gaza City’s Al-Ahli Baptist Hospital, where he had been working for three days after fleeing his hospital in the heavily bombarded north.

He was stripped down to his underwear, blindfolded and his wrists tied, then dumped in the back of a truck where, he said, the near-naked detainees were piled on top of one another as they were shuttled to a detention camp in the middle of the desert.

The details in his account are consistent with those of dozens of others collected by CNN recounting the conditions of arrest in Gaza. His account is also supported by numerous images depicting mass arrests published on social media profiles belonging to Israeli soldiers. Many of those images show captive Gazans, their wrists or ankles tied by cables, in their underwear and blindfolded.

Al-Ran was held in a military detention center for 44 days, he told CNN. “Our days were filled with prayer, tears, and supplication. This eased our agony,” said al-Ran.

“We cried and cried and cried. We cried for ourselves, cried for our nation, cried for our community, cried for our loved ones. We cried about everything that crossed our minds.”

Dr. Mohammed Al-Ran headed the surgical unit at Gaza’s Indonesian hospital, one of the first to be raided and shut down by Israel.

Dr. Mohammed Al-Ran headed the surgical unit at Gaza’s Indonesian hospital, one of the first to be raided and shut down by Israel. From Social Media

Al-Ran is pictured on the day of his release from a detention camp, in a visibly worse physical condition.

Al-Ran is pictured on the day of his release from a detention camp, in a visibly worse physical condition. From Social Media

A week into his imprisonment, the detention camp’s authorities ordered him to act as an intermediary between the guards and the prisoners, a role known as Shawish, “supervisor,” in vernacular Arabic.

According to the Israeli whistleblowers, a Shawish is normally a prisoner who has been cleared of suspected links to Hamas after interrogation.

The Israeli military denied holding detainees unnecessarily, or using them for translation purposes. “If there is no reason for continued detention, the detainees are released back to Gaza,” they said in a statement.

Our days were filled with prayer, tears, and supplication. This eased our agony.

Former detainee Dr. Mohammed al-Ran

However, whistleblower and detainee accounts – particularly pertaining to Shawish– cast doubt on the IDF’s depiction of its clearing process. Al-Ran says that he served as Shawish for several weeks after he was cleared of Hamas links. Whistleblowers also said that the absolved Shawish served as intermediaries for some time.

They are typically proficient in Hebrew, according to the eyewitnesses, enabling them to communicate the guards’ orders to the rest of the prisoners in Arabic.

For that, al-Ran said he was given a special privilege: his blindfold was removed. He said this was another kind of hell.

“Part of my torture was being able to see how people were being tortured,” he said. “At first you couldn’t see. You couldn’t see the torture, the vengeance, the oppression.

“When they removed my blindfold, I could see the extent of the humiliation and abasement … I could see the extent to which they saw us not as human beings but as animals.”

A leaked photograph of an enclosure where detainees in gray tracksuits are seen blindfolded and sitting on paper-thin mattresses. CNN was able to geolocate the hangar in the Sde Teiman facility. A portion of this image has been blurred by CNN to protect the identity of the source.

A leaked photograph of an enclosure where detainees in gray tracksuits are seen blindfolded and sitting on paper-thin mattresses. CNN was able to geolocate the hangar in the Sde Teiman facility. A portion of this image has been blurred by CNN to protect the identity of the source. Obtained by CNN

Al-Ran’s account of the forms of punishment he saw were corroborated by the whistleblowers who spoke with CNN. A prisoner who committed an offense such as speaking to another would be ordered to raise his arms above his head for up to an hour. The prisoner’s hands would sometimes be zip-tied to a fence to ensure that he did not come out of the stress position.

For those who repeatedly breached the prohibition on speaking and moving, the punishment became more severe. Israeli guards would sometimes take a prisoner to an area outside the enclosure and beat him aggressively, according to two whistleblowers and al-Ran. A whistleblower who worked as a guard said he saw a man emerge from a beating with his teeth, and some bones, apparently broken.

When they removed my blindfold, I could see the extent of the humiliation and abasement … I could see the extent to which they saw us not as human beings but as animals.

Former detainee Dr. Mohammed Al-Ran

That whistleblower and al-Ran also described a routine search when the guards would unleash large dogs on sleeping detainees, lobbing a sound grenade at the enclosure as troops barged in. Al-Ran called this “the nightly torture.”

“While we were cabled, they unleashed the dogs that would move between us, and trample over us,” said al-Ran. “You’d be lying on your belly, your face pressed against the ground. You can’t move, and they’re moving above you.”

The same whistleblower recounted the search in the same harrowing detail. “It was a special unit of the military police that did the so-called search,” said the source. “But really it was an excuse to hit them. It was a terrifying situation.”

“There was a lot of screaming and dogs barking.”

Strapped to beds in a field hospital

Whistleblower accounts portrayed a different kind of horror at the Sde Teiman field hospital.

“What I felt when I was dealing with those patients is an idea of total vulnerability,” said one medic who worked at Sde Teiman.

“If you imagine yourself being unable to move, being unable to see what’s going on, and being completely naked, that leaves you completely exposed,” the source said.  “I think that’s something that borders on, if not crosses to, psychological torture.”

Another whistleblower said he was ordered to perform medical procedures on the Palestinian detainees for which he was not qualified.

“I was asked to learn how to do things on the patients, performing minor medical procedures that are totally outside my expertise,” he said, adding that this was frequently done without anesthesia.

“If they complained about pain, they would be given paracetamol,” he said, using another name for acetaminophen.

“Just being there felt like being complicit in abuse.”

See the model CNN has recreated based on eyewitness accounts showing inside Sde Teiman

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The same whistleblower also said he witnessed an amputation performed on a man who had sustained injuries caused by the constant zip-tying of his wrists. The account tallied with details of a letter authored by a doctor working at Sde Teiman published by Ha’aretz in April.

“From the first days of the medical facility’s operation until today, I have faced serious ethical dilemmas,” said the letter addressed to Israel’s attorney general, and its health and defense ministries, according to Ha’aretz. “More than that, I am writing (this letter) to warn you that the facilities’ operations do not comply with a single section among those dealing with health in the Incarceration of Unlawful Combatants Law.”

An IDF spokesperson denied the allegations reported by Ha’aretz in a written statement to CNN at the time, saying that medical procedures were conducted with “extreme care” and in accordance with Israeli and international law.

The spokesperson added that the handcuffing of the detainees was done in “accordance with procedures, their health condition and the level of danger posed by them,” and that any allegation of violence would be examined.

They stripped them down of anything that resembles human beings.

An Israeli whistleblower recalling his experience at Sde Teiman 

Whistleblowers also said that medical team were told to refrain from signing medical documents, corroborating previous reporting by rights group Physicians for Human Rights in Israel (PHRI).

The PHRI report released in April warned of “a serious concern that anonymity is employed to prevent the possibility of investigations or complaints regarding breaches of medical ethics and professionalism.”

“You don’t sign anything, and there is no verification of authority,” said the same whistleblower who said he lacked the appropriate training for the treatment he was asked to administer. “It is a paradise for interns because it’s like you do whatever you want.”

CNN also requested comment from the Israeli health ministry on the allegations in this report. The ministry referred CNN back to the IDF.

Concealed from the outside world

Sde Teiman and other military detention camps have been shrouded in secrecy since their inception. Israel has repeatedly refused requests to disclose the number of detainees held at the facilities, or to reveal the whereabouts of Gazan prisoners.

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Last Wednesday, the Israeli Supreme Court held a hearing in response to a petition brought forward by Israeli rights group, HaMoked, to reveal the location of a Palestinian X-Ray technician detained from Nasser Hospital in southern Gaza in February. It was the first court session of its kind since October 7.

Israel’s highest court had previously rejected writs of habeas corpus filed on behalf of dozens of Palestinians from Gaza held in unknown locations.

The disappearances “allows for the atrocities that we’ve been hearing about to happen,” said Tal Steiner, an Israeli human rights lawyer and executive director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel.

“People completely disconnected from the outside world are the most vulnerable to torture and mistreatment,” Steiner said in an interview with CNN.

Since October 7, more than 100 structures, including large tents and hangars, appeared within these areas of the Sde Teiman desert camp. Planet Labs PBC

Satellite images provide further insight into activities at Sde Teiman, revealing that in the months since the start of the Israel-Hamas war on October 7, more than 100 new structures, including large tents and hangars, have been built at the desert camp. A comparison of aerial photographs from September 10, 2023 and March 1 this year also showed a significant increase in the number of vehicles at the facility, indicating an uptick in activity. Satellite imagery from two dates in early December showed construction work in progress.

CNN also geolocated the two leaked photographs showing the enclosure holding the group of blindfolded men in gray tracksuits. The pattern of panels seen on the roof matched those of a large hangar visible in satellite imagery. The structure, which resembles an animal pen, is located in the central area of the Sde Teiman compound. It is an older structure seen among new buildings which have appeared since the war began.

CNN reviewed satellite images from two other military detention camps – Ofer and Anatot bases in the occupied West Bank – and did not detect expansion in the grounds since October 7. Several rights groups and legal experts say they believe that Sde Teiman, which is the nearest to Gaza, likely hosts the largest number of detainees of the three military detention camps.

“I was there for 23 days. Twenty-three days that felt like 100 years,” said 27-year-old Ibrahim Yassine on the day of his release from a military detention camp.

He was lying in a crowded room with over a dozen newly freed men – they were still in the grey tracksuit prison uniforms. Some had deep flesh wounds from where the handcuffs had been removed.

“We were handcuffed and blindfolded,” said another man, 43-year-old Sufyan Abu Salah. “Today is the first day I can see.”

Several had a glassy look in their eyes and were seemingly emaciated. One elderly man breathed through an oxygen machine as he lay on a stretcher. Outside the hospital, two freed men from the Palestinian Red Crescent Society embraced their colleagues.

For Dr. Al-Ran, his reunion with his friends was anything but joyful. The experience, he said, rendered him mute for a month as he battled an “emotional deadness.”

“It was very painful. When I was released, people expected me to miss them, to embrace them. But there was a gap,” said al-Ran. “The people who were with me at the detention facility became my family. Those friendships were the only things that belonged to us.”

Just before his release, a fellow prisoner had called out to him, his voice barely rising above a whisper, al-Ran said. He asked the doctor to find his wife and kids in Gaza. “He asked me to tell them that it is better for them to be martyrs,” said al-Ran. “It is better for them to die than to be captured and held here.

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We need an exodus from Zionism 


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Naomi KleinContributor image for: Naomi Klein

This Passover, we don’t need or want the false idol of Zionism. We want freedom from the project that commits genocide in our name

Wed 24 Apr 2024 09.27

I’ve been thinking about Moses, and his rage when he came down from the mount to find the Israelites worshipping a golden calf.

The ecofeminist in me was always uneasy about this story: what kind of God is jealous of animals? What kind of God wants to hoard all the sacredness of the Earth for himself?

But there is a less literal way of understanding this story. It is about false idols. About the human tendency to worship the profane and shiny, to look to the small and material rather than the large and transcendent.

What I want to say to you tonight at this revolutionary and historic Seder in the Streets is that too many of our people are worshipping a false idol once again. They are enraptured by it. Drunk on it. Profaned by it.

That false idol is called Zionism. Zionism is a false idol that has taken the idea of the promised land and turned it into a deed of sale for a militaristic ethnostate

It is a false idol that has taken the transcendent idea of the promised land – a metaphor for human liberation that has traveled across multiple faiths to every corner of this globe – and dared to turn it into a deed of sale for a militaristic ethnostate.

It is a false idol that takes our most profound biblical stories of justice and emancipation from slavery – the story of Passover itself – and turns them into brutalist weapons of colonial land theft, roadmaps for ethnic cleansing and genocide.

Political Zionism’s version of liberation is itself profane. From the start, it required the mass expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and ancestral lands in the Nakba.

From the start it has been at war with dreams of liberation. At a Seder it is worth remembering that this includes the dreams of liberation and self-determination of the Egyptian people. This false idol of Zionism equates Israeli safety with Egyptian dictatorship and client states.

From the start it has produced an ugly kind of freedom that saw Palestinian children not as human beings but as demographic threats – much as the pharaoh in the Book of Exodus feared the growing population of Israelites, and thus ordered the death of their sons.

Zionism has brought us to our present moment of cataclysm and it is time that we said clearly: it has always been leading us here.

It is a false idol that has led far too many of our own people down a deeply immoral path that now has them justifying the shredding of core commandments: thou shalt not kill. Thou shalt not steal. Thou shalt not covet. We, in these streets for months and months, are the exodus. The exodus from Zionism

It is a false idol that equates Jewish freedom with cluster bombs that kill and maim Palestinian children.

Zionism is a false idol that has betrayed every Jewish value, including the value we place on questioning – a practice embedded in the Seder with its four questions asked by the youngest child.

Including the love we have as a people for text and for education.

Today, this false idol justifies the bombing of every university in Gaza; the destruction of countless schools, of archives, of printing presses; the killing of hundreds of academics, of journalists, of poets – this is what Palestinians call scholasticide, the killing of the means of education.

Meanwhile, in this city, the universities call in the NYPD and barricade themselves against the grave threat posed by their own students daring to ask them basic questions, such as: how can you claim to believe in anything at all, least of all us, while you enable, invest in and collaborate with this genocide?

The false idol of Zionism has been allowed to grow unchecked for far too long.

So tonight we say: it ends here.

Our Judaism cannot be contained by an ethnostate, for our Judaism is internationalist by nature.

Our Judaism cannot be protected by the rampaging military of that state, for all that military does is sow sorrow and reap hatred – including against us as Jews.

Our Judaism is not threatened by people raising their voices in solidarity with Palestine across lines of race, ethnicity, physical ability, gender identity and generations.

Our Judaism is one of those voices and knows that in that chorus lies both our safety and our collective liberation.

Our Judaism is the Judaism of the Passover Seder: the gathering in ceremony to share food and wine with loved ones and strangers alike, the ritual that is inherently portable, light enough to carry on our backs, in need of nothing but each other: no walls, no temple, no rabbi, a role for everyone, even – especially – the smallest child. The Seder is a diaspora technology if ever there was one, made for collective grieving, contemplation, questioning, remembering and reviving the revolutionary spirt.

So look around. This, here, is our Judaism. As waters rise and forests burn and nothing is certain, we pray at the altar of solidarity and mutual aid, no matter the cost.

We don’t need or want the false idol of Zionism. We want freedom from the project that commits genocide in our name. Freedom from an ideology that has no plan for peace other than deals with murderous theocratic petrostates next door, while selling the technologies of robo-assassinations to the world.

We seek to liberate Judaism from an ethnostate that wants Jews to be perennially afraid, that wants our children to be afraid, that wants us to believe the world is against us so that we go running to its fortress and beneath its iron dome, or at least keep the weapons and donations flowing.

That is the false idol.

And it’s not just Netanyahu, it’s the world he made and that made him – it’s Zionism.

What are we? We, in these streets for months and months, are the exodus. The exodus from Zionism.

And to the Chuck Schumers of this world, we do not say: “Let our people go.”

We say: “We have already gone. And your kids? They’re with us now.”

  • Naomi Klein is a Guardian US columnist and contributing writer. She is the professor of climate justice and co-director of the Centre for Climate Justice at the University of British Columbia. Her latest book, Doppelganger: A Trip into the Mirror World, was published in September
  • This is a transcript of a speech delivered at the Emergency Seder in the Streets in New York City
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American AIPACracy

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“The Bulldozer Kept Coming”: A Girl Stares Down Death in Gaza

The extraordinary story of a 14-year-old, her mother, and what happened when the Israeli military came to destroy their house.

LUJAYN, 24/4/24

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This picture taken during a media tour organized by the Israeli military on February 8, 2024, shows Israeli soldiers standing near a bulldozer inside Gaza City.
This picture taken during a media tour organized by the Israeli military on February 8, 2024, shows Israeli soldiers standing near a bulldozer inside Gaza City.(Jack Guez / AFP via Getty Images)

This story was originally written in Arabic by a 14-year-old Palestinian girl in Gaza named Lujayn. Along with one of Lujayn’s relatives, I have translated it into English. She initially wrote this story for her mother and then decided to share it with the world. It recounts her family’s forced displacement from the house where they were sheltering in Khan Younis. This was the fourth time Lujayn had been displaced since Israel’s assault on Gaza began.

Lujayn describes an increasingly common tactic of the Israeli military in her narrative: bulldozing buildings with people still inside. In addition, Lujayn’s story serves as a warning to the world about the dangers of Israel’s threatened invasion of Rafah. If she were displaced again, she and her family would have nowhere to go.

Lujayn is a brilliant student. She had been planning to go to university to study mathematics. But there are no more universities left in Gaza, and Lujayn has no permanent home. All she can do right now is survive and tell her story. For Lujayn as for many Palestinians, storytelling is a form of resistance. She asks the international community to take action to stop the Israeli military from killing her friends and threatening to kill her mother, her family, and herself. She particularly asks that the people of the United States of America pressure their elected representatives to stop funding Israel’s genocide.

This is what happened. On March 2, 2024, my dad went to bring us supplies from Rafah despite the danger on the road. He stayed overnight in Rafah because there was no transportation at night. That night, suddenly, the situation changed. The sound of explosions and missiles was everywhere.

My mom, me, and our extended family were sheltering together with four other families and eight unaccompanied children in a home in Khan Younis. We came out of our rooms and hid in the area beneath the staircase. There was gunfire and strange sounds everywhere. We tried to understand what was happening, but we couldn’t because there was shooting and chaos all around.

Mom kept telling me, “Don’t worry, we’ll be fine,” but I could see how she looked around anxiously. She told me, “I need to understand what’s happening. Stay away from the windows.”

I could see strange green light lines entering from the window, and I heard the sound of bullets. I told her, “No, it’s dangerous,” but she insisted. She said, “I have to understand what strange thing is happening.” So, I climbed under the staircase. She came back and she told me, “Come quickly.” 

We hurried downstairs, and Mom told everyone: “The bulldozer is demolishing the house in front of ours, and the tanks have surrounded us from all sides. We need to get out quickly before they come towards us.” No one thought going out was a good idea. Mom told them that she would go out first. If they allowed her to pass, she would signal to us to come out. Everyone told her she shouldn’t go out. We knew that people were dying outside. 

As we were talking, two teenage girls and three children suddenly came to the front door. One of them was covered in blood, crying, and screaming. They were the children of the family whose house had been demolished. Their father was also in Rafah like my father, but their mother, sister, and the rest of the family had been martyred under the bulldozer as it destroyed the house while they were inside. Everyone was stunned.

Mom told me to bring her my first aid supplies. She started to wipe the blood from the little boy and sterilize the wounds. Then she bandaged them while trying to comfort him. 

Suddenly, we heard a loud noise. The bulldozer was coming for our house. Mom stopped and told me, “I must go out and try to stop them because we’ll die under the bulldozer. I’ll try to go out and tell them that we are civilians. If they hit me and let you all out, then you leave after me. If they hit me and continue to demolish the house, know that I tried everything I could with my last hope that you would be safe.”

I started crying. Everyone told her to stop, saying the army would kill her. At the same time, we could hear the bulldozer approaching. Mom quickly went out and stood in front of it, exactly in its path, and started telling them that there were civilians, women, elderly, and children in the house. The bulldozer kept coming.

Suddenly, a tank flashed its light and the bulldozer started backing away. As I was coming out of the house, I saw Mom next to the tank, refusing to move. Suddenly, green lines covered my mother’s body and head. I understood that the tank’s machine gun was aimed at her. I knew they were going to shoot at her while she stood there. I closed my eyes. Suddenly, the green light stopped flashing, and the tank started signaling, and two people from the house came down the stairs, carrying a white flag.

Everyone tried to understand what Mom was saying. The army was signaling for us to leave, and when the tank signaled with the green light, we understood that we should go to the nearby school. Mom moved quickly and urged us to leave. Everyone was trying to get out.

Mom told me not to be afraid and lifted the injured boy up by his legs, while the girl carried her brother by his arms. We started walking behind the others. Mom was panting, and her breath was short. I understood that she needed her inhaler for her asthma. When I tried to give it to her, she said there was no time, just keep going quickly, don’t stop. If we stopped, bullets might hit us.

A few hours later, the soldiers shouted in Arabic that we must clear the place through a certain route to another place. So we went outside. On both sides of the road, there were tanks, soldiers, and bulldozers. A soldier was speaking Arabic and selecting people, including women, to be arrested and taken to Israel. Those of us who remained were taken to a partly destroyed building three hundred meters away from the school. We stayed outside from nine or ten in the morning until eight at night, waiting in front of the entrance to the building.

Everyone started getting hungry and thirsty, especially the children. Suddenly the soldiers brought water bottles and started handing them out. Mom told us that we shouldn’t accept water from the occupation army, and that we would leave soon. She asked everyone to be patient, and added that if anyone couldn’t bear it, they could drink.

The little boy with us asked why. She told him it was because the soldiers were taking pictures of themselves while pretending to be kind to show the world how well they were treating people, but in reality they were demolishing houses on people’s heads and trampling them with their bulldozer at dawn. She was right. One of the soldiers was taking pictures, and we refused to take water from them.

I stood in front of the building’s entrance. I couldn’t even sit down when a soldier told me to sit and aimed his rifle at me. Mom came and stood in front of me, speaking forcefully in Arabic and English, telling him not to scare her daughter, as there was no room. There were elderly people next to me and if I sat so close to them, I might hurt them. For a moment, he aimed his weapon at her. She remained standing between me and him, the distance being approximately a meter and a half.

I was scared, but even more than that I was amazed and asked myself where Mom got this strength from.

Everyone was afraid, and most were crying, but she stood still, speaking and comforting me. The soldier left, and Mom sat me down. It was around eight in the evening. She placed me and the others with me in the middle, while she stood at the end near the soldiers. She told me: “If they let us go together, it would be good, but if they didn’t let me go with you, take the money and the phone. You’ll definitely find Dad outside.” She instructed the others where to go.

They separated us and took us for inspection. Strangely, they let us pass without any searching. We kept walking until we reached the last tank. Mom was holding my hand in one of her hands and the hands of the two little children in her other hand. Suddenly, the army was gone, and it was dark. Mom switched on the flashlight, and we saw Dad come running towards us from a distance. The father of the little children from the house we’d seen bulldozed was also approaching us, running. Dad hugged me tightly. Then I felt Mom stopping as if she had been waiting for this moment to catch her breath. I couldn’t believe we had made it out alive.

After this experience, Mother, I have to tell you something. I learned two things that I won’t forget. First, we must not let go of our strength, courage, and faith in God’s will at any moment. Second, we don’t turn our backs on those in need, no matter what. You didn’t leave the boy or his sisters alone. You carried their brother with them. You stayed by their side and told me: “They have no one else but us.” I won’t forget any of this. I’ve become certain that the occupation can never destroy our faith, our strength, our courage, our goodness, or our compassion.

I don’t know if the war will stop while we’re still alive, but what matters is that there are many people resisting with what is more important than weapons. Every day, a father walks under bombardment to feed us. A mother stands against bulldozers and tanks hoping to protect her daughter, knowing that even if she dies, what matters is that her daughter will live. A grandson carries his grandmother and never thinks of leaving her behind for even a moment. A sister pulls her brother out from under the rubble, away from death, and tries to save him.

Mom, this is my country, this is my people. Every generation of Palestinians will pass these lessons onto the next.

Posted in Evidence of Israeli Fascism and Nazism and Genocide, Massacres & genocides | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Have the Zionists Achieved their Goal of Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine?

Posted in Evidence of Israeli Fascism and Nazism and Genocide, Gaza, Massacres & genocides, Media, News from the apartheid, Politics, Videos | Tagged , | Comments Off on Have the Zionists Achieved their Goal of Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine?

How Much Longer Can the World Ignore Palestinian Suffering?The Consequences of Israel’s Unstoppable Crimes  — and the West’s Complicity

Phalapoem editor 16/11/25

For more than seven decades, Palestinians have lived under fascist policies of ethnic cleansing, brutal occupation, dispossession, and recurring military assaults. Yet the devastation unleashed on Gaza in the past two years has pushed the crisis into an unprecedented humanitarian abyss. Entire neighborhoods erased, tens of thousands of civilians killed, starvation used as a weapon, and a population trapped with nowhere safe to go. Despite this, many Western governments continue to extend political, military, and diplomatic support to Israel — even as global legal institutions warn that the threshold for genocide and apartheid have been crossed.

Israel’s genocide  in Gaza has brought catastrophic consequences. Families are wiped out in an instant. Children grow up surrounded by rubble instead of schools. Hospitals, aid convoys, journalists, and UN shelters have all come under fire. The term genocide is no longer whispered; it is openly confirmed  by jurists, UN experts, and international courts. Aid organizations describe Israeli systematic deprivation of food, water, medicine, and electricity — conditions that is in fact Israeli engineered starvation.

And yet, the governments that proclaim their commitment to human rights and rule of law are often the very ones supplying weapons, shielding Israel from accountability, or parroting narratives that minimize Palestinian suffering. This hypocrisy has created a dangerous precedent: a message to the world that some lives are valued less, that international law is optional, and that a rouge state can commit genocide  without facing real consequences.

The question now is no longer whether the situation is unjust — that is the one fact the world agrees on. The real question is: Who can stop this?

And when will the silence finally break?

Complicity is not only about what governments endorse — it’s also about what they choose to ignore. Western leaders have watched Gaza’s civilian population face starvation, industrial-scale displacement, and relentless bombardment, yet many have continued to offer political cover. Arms continue to flow. Vetoes continue to block humanitarian aid. Diplomatic gestures continue to shield Israel from meaningful accountability.

The consequences of this are enormous:

1. The collapse of the credibility of Western democracies

How can nations that champion universal human rights justify supporting policies that inflict such destruction on civilians?

2. The weakening of international law

If the Geneva Conventions cannot protect Palestinians, can they protect anyone?

  1.  The emboldening of apartheid states that believe force is the quickest route to political goals

When accountability disappears, impunity becomes the norm.

Will the Apartheid End?

Many human rights organizations — including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Israeli groups like B’Tselem — now classify Israel’s system of rule as apartheid. Ending it will require:

International pressure

Just as global pressure helped dismantle South African apartheid, coordinated sanctions, arms embargoes, and diplomatic isolation can change political behavior.

Legal accountability

International courts must be allowed to investigate and prosecute serious violations, without political interference.

A shift in public opinion

Around the world, millions are already protesting, demanding their governments stop enabling mass suffering.

Regional and global leadership

Nations in the Global South are increasingly speaking out, challenging the double standards that prevent justice for Palestinians.

Who Can Stop the Killing?

Ultimately, several actors hold real power:

1. The International Community

States can impose consequences — sanctions, embargoes, recognition of Palestinian rights — if they choose political courage over selective morality.

2. International Legal Institutions

The International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) have already taken significant steps. Their rulings must be respected and enforced.

3. Israeli Society

Peace will be impossible without voices within Israel challenging policies that perpetuate occupation, inequality, and endless conflict.

4. Global Civil Society

Movements around the world — activists, journalists, humanitarian workers — are holding governments accountable when leaders fail to do so.

A Future Without Endless War

The killing will not stop by accident. It will stop only when enough pressure forces a political transformation — one that recognizes Palestinians as equal human beings entitled to dignity, safety, and self-determination.

History shows that systems built on inequality cannot endure forever. Apartheid ended in South Africa. Colonialism collapsed across the world. Walls come down. Regimes change. Justice, however delayed, can arrive — but not without the people who demand it.

The question is no longer whether the world knows what is happening in Gaza.

It is whether the world is willing to act.

Posted in Gaza, Justice, Massacres & genocides, Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian diaspora, Palestinian history, Phalapoem editor, UK, USA, Voice of Palestine | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on How Much Longer Can the World Ignore Palestinian Suffering?The Consequences of Israel’s Unstoppable Crimes  — and the West’s Complicity

In Handala’s Playground: Season 2, Episode 6: Conscience Under the Rubble

S.T. Salah, 15/11/25

*[Scene: A grey, bombed-out landscape. Rubble and silence. Handala stands with his back turned, barefoot as always, facing the ruins of Gaza. Piers Morgan appears, looking weary, holding a microphone that no longer broadcasts lies but trembles with truth.]

Piers Morgan:

You’re… Handala, aren’t you? The boy from Naji al-Ali’s drawings. The symbol of resistance.

Handala (without turning):

You needed fifteen months of genocide to recognize me, Mr. Morgan. I have been standing here since 1948. The question is — where have you been?

Piers:

I was… reporting. Asking questions. Seeking balance.

Handala:

Balance? Between the boot and the neck? Between the bomb and the body? You called it “proportional.”

Piers (defensive):

I believed Israel had the right to defend itself.

Handala:

And the children buried beneath these stones — did they not have that right too? You said their deaths were collateral. Tell me, Mr. Morgan — when the truth bleeds, do your ratings rise or your conscience?

Piers (pauses):

I admit I was wrong. I see now what Israel is doing — the starvation, the destruction, the… genocide and apartheid. 

Handala:

Genocide does not begin when you name it. It begins when you look away. When you interrupt the truth and give comfort to lies.

Piers:

You’re right. But it’s never too late to be on the right side of history.

Handala:

History doesn’t need spectators who arrive after the funeral. It needs witnesses who refuse to be silent at the first scream.

Piers:

Then what should I do now? Speak louder? Condemn more clearly?

Handala (turns slightly, for the first time — his face unseen):

Don’t speak louder. Speak truer. The world has enough noise. What it lacks is courage.

Piers (softly):

Do you forgive me?

Handala:

Forgiveness is not mine to give. It belongs to those you refused to hear when they were alive.

Piers (looks down):

And if I stand with them now?

Handala:

Then you must never again confuse neutrality with morality. Remember: silence feeds the illegal and criminal occupier. Doubt feeds denial.

Piers:

You think I can change minds?

Handala:

You changed yours, didn’t you? That’s a start. Just remember — truth delayed is truth denied.

(Handala begins to walk toward the horizon, still facing away. The rubble glows faintly in dawn light.)

Piers (calling out):

Where are you going?

Handala:

To where every child of Gaza goes — toward the sunrise that the world still owes us.

Posted in Gaza, In Handala’s Playground, Justice, Massacres & genocides, Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian diaspora, Palestinian history, Phalapoem editor, Piers Morgan, UK | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on In Handala’s Playground: Season 2, Episode 6: Conscience Under the Rubble

Betrayed by Promises, Starved by Genocide: The Human Tragedy of Ceasefire Violations

Phalapoem editor, 15/11/25


In a genocide  where humanity is already hanging by a thread, one side continues to trample on every fragile hope for peace. Ceasefires—a sliver of relief for civilians—are being shattered, and the cost is horrendous: 246 innocent lives brutally extinguished, families ripped apart, and communities left in terror.

Even more horrifying is the deliberate blockade of humanitarian aid. Two million displaced people, starving, sick, and exhausted, remain trapped with no escape. Borders promised to be reopened for relief supplies remain shut, turning the most basic human right—access to food, water, and medical care—into a cruel illusion. Children grow weaker with each passing day, parents watch helplessly as hope dies, and entire communities face the slow agony of neglect.

This is not collateral damage. It is a conscious choice: to violate ceasefires, to ignore international law, to deny the desperate pleas of those who have already lost everything. Every broken promise by the apartheid is a betrayal not just of agreements, but of humanity itself.

The world cannot stay silent. Aid must flow. Lives cannot wait for diplomacy to catch up to morality. Accountability is urgent. Those who exploit ceasefires as mere political tools, while civilians starve and die, must face the full weight of international scrutiny.

For the two million displaced, for the children who go to bed hungry, for the families crushed under the weight of violence and broken promises—this is not a war over politics. This is a genocide  over life itself. And humanity demands that it end. 

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Israeli General’s Son (Miko Peled) Urges Reevaluation Amidst Gaza Genocide

Miko Peled, a well-known Israeli-American activist humanrights activist and author hailing from an Israeli military family, has sparked debate with his candid discussion about the ongoing brutal war on Gaza conducted by Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF). Advocating for significant changes both in Israel and globally, Peled’s viewpoints have drawn attention to the urgent need for addressing the crisis in a more profound manner.

Peled asserts that the situation in Israel is deteriorating rapidly, going as far as to label it as the “beginning of the end” for the nation. He emphasizes the importance of transparency regarding the reality of the catastrophic situation in Gaza, highlighting the severity of the ongoing war.

Rather than advocating for minor adjustments, Peled stresses the necessity of comprehensive, transformative changes in societal attitudes and behaviors to address the root causes of the problems effectively. Expressing dissatisfaction with Israel’s leadership, particularly Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Peled criticizes their endorsement of aggressive measures against Gaza and their perceived lack of efforts to halt the violence. Peled also condemns Jared Kushner’s suggestion of demolishing Palestinian homes for financial gain, drawing parallels between this proposal and historical atrocities committed by the Nazis.

Peled scrutinizes the response of the United States to the crisis. He contends that the U.S. should play a more proactive role in ending the violence and advocating for justice for Palestinians.He envisions a world where fairness prevails and the rights of Palestinians are upheld.

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Death in custody of Walid Daqqah is cruel reminder of Israel’s disregard for Palestinians’ right to life

Amnesty International, 8/04/24

Responding to the death in custody of Walid Daqqah, a 62-year-old Palestinian writer who was the longest-serving Palestinian prisoner in Israeli jails after having spent 38 years imprisoned, Erika Guevara-Rosas, Amnesty International’s Senior Director for Research, Advocacy, Policy and Campaigns said:

“It is heart-wrenching that Walid Daqqah has died in Israeli custody despite the many calls for his urgent release on humanitarian grounds following his 2022 diagnosis with bone marrow cancer and the fact that he had already completed his original sentence. 

“Walid Daqqah’s death is a cruel reminder of Israel’s systematic medical neglect and disregard for Palestinian prisoners’ rights. For Daqqah and his family, the last six months in particular were an endless nightmare, during which he was subjected to torture or other ill-treatment, including beatings and humiliation by the Israeli Prison Service, according to his lawyer. He was not permitted a phone call with his wife since 7 October. His final appeal for parole on humanitarian grounds was rejected by the Israeli Supreme Court, effectively sentencing him to die behind bars.

“Sanaa Salameh, Walid Daqqah’s wife who tirelessly campaigned for his release, could not embrace her dying husband one last time before he passed. Israeli authorities must now return Walid Daqqah’s body to his family without delay so that they that they could give him a peaceful and dignified burial and allow them to mourn his death without intimidation,” Erika Guevara-Rosas said.  

The lawyer who last visited Walid Daqqah on 24 March in Ramleh prison clinic told Amnesty International that she was shocked by his sharp weight loss and visible fragility. Denying prisoners access to adequate medical care violates international standards on the treatment of detainees and may constitute torture. 

Background

On 25 March 1986, Israeli forces arrested Walid Daqqah, then 24, a Palestinian citizen of Israel. In March 1987, an Israeli military court sentenced him to life imprisonment after convicting him of commanding the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)-affiliated group that had abducted and killed Israeli soldier Moshe Tamam in 1984. Daqqah was not convicted of carrying out the murder himself, but of commanding the group, an accusation he always rejected, and his conviction was based on British emergency regulations dating back to 1945, which require a much lower standard of proof for conviction than Israeli criminal law.

Amnesty International has campaigned for Walid Daqqah since last August, calling on Israeli authorities to release him on humanitarian grounds, citing independent medical opinion that Walid Daqqah’s days were numbered and the fact that Walid Daqqah had already completed his 37-year sentence in March 2023, but an earlier court ruling sentenced him to two additional years in prison – over his involvement in getting mobile phones to other prisoners to help them contact their families –  putting off his release date until March 2025, a day which he tragically did not live to see. 

During his time in prison, Walid Daqqah wrote extensively about the Palestinian lived experience in Israeli prisons. He acted as a mentor and educator for generations of young Palestinian prisoners, including children. His writings, which included letters, essays, a celebrated play and a novel for young adults, were an act of resistance against the dehumanization of Palestinian prisoners. “Love is my modest and only victory against my jailer,” he once wrote.

Walid Daqqah’s writings behind bars are a testament to a spirit never broken by decades of incarceration and oppression

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