Phalapoem editor, 22/09/25

In late August 2025, the U.S. State Department revoked or denied visas for Mahmoud Abbas (President of the Palestinian Authority) and around 80 other Palestinian PLO/PA officials, preventing them from traveling to New York to attend the UN General Assembly.  

The U.S. justification: these officials are supposedly failing to comply with commitments, undermining peace prospects, engaging in what U.S. calls “lawfare” (use of international legal bodies like the ICC/ICJ), pushing unilateral recognition of statehood, etc.  

The Palestinian side argues that the U.S. visa denial violates the UN Headquarters Agreement (1947), under which the U.S. as host country of the UN must allow foreign diplomats representing UN member or observer states to access UN HQ for UN business.  

The U.N. General Assembly responded by passing a resolution (145 in favour, 5 against, 6 abstentions) allowing Abbas to address the UNGA via video/pre-recorded statement due to visa issues.  

There is an International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant for Benjamin Netanyahu in relation to alleged war crimes in Gaza. (This is from earlier reporting.)  

Despite that warrant, Netanyahu continues to travel internationally, including plans to travel to the U.S. for UN / diplomatic events. These travels would, in theory, expose him to legal risk under the ICC decision—but in practice many states appear to be ignoring or refusing to enforce the warrant.  

On one hand, a Palestinian leader who seeks to speak peacefully at the UN, to push for recognition of the Palestinian state, is blocked from entry. The reason given is partly because of diplomacy/legal activism (ICC, unilateral recognition, etc.).

On the other hand, an Israeli leader, and war criminal who killed more than 65000 Palestinians and using starvation as a weapon against the population and despite facing an ICC warrant (which is a serious international legal finding), faces comparatively little restriction in terms of travel by the U.S. and many other countries. Netanyahu can still travel, speak at international forums, meet with foreign leaders, without being arrested in jurisdictions that are signatories to the ICC (or at least without that being enforced).

This juxtaposition raises obvious concerns about double standards in how international law is applied, and how powerful states or well-allied but criminal leaders may be shielded from legal consequences that are enforced (or at least attempted) against weaker or less powerful actors.

Politically, powerful states often protect criminal allies or themselves via influence, via exceptions, or via fear from disclosure of certain embarrassing videos against politicians  or by interpreting “immunity” in broad ways. Meanwhile, actors with less geopolitical clout find themselves subjected to stricter enforcement or barriers. This is a well-known corrupted pattern in international relations.

Denying visa to Abbas silences Palestinian leadership’s voice in a key international forum (the UN), even when that voice is seeking recognition, peace, or legal redress. Meanwhile, allowing a war criminal Israeli leader who faces serious allegations (ICC warrant) full access and diplomatic courtesies undermines the principle that no one is above law.

If ICC warrants are only selectively enforced (or ignored when inconvenient), and if treaties / host country obligations are selectively honored, then the credibility of international law suffers. This breeds cynicism and resentment, especially in places already suffering severe injustice.

In diplomacy, law, and human rights, perceptions matter. When one side is treated harshly for state-building efforts or legal activism, while the other is shielded despite their commitment of genocide , starvation , it reinforces the view that international order is biased toward the powerful.

If the U.S. can deny visas to one side’s leadership because they attempt to engage in lawfare or pursue state recognition, what stops similar denials or restrictions being used elsewhere, for other international causes? Similarly, if ICC arrest warrants are not enforced or are shrugged off when it’s a well-protected leader, that sets precedent that legal accountability depends less on the law and more on politics.

What legal mechanisms exist for compelling the U.S. (or any country) to abide by treaty obligations like the UN Headquarters Agreement, especially when denying visas to those who are observers or representatives?

Why don’t more states enforce ICC warrants uniformly, particularly for criminal leaders of powerful allies? What political pressures, alliances, or security/foreign policy considerations prevent enforcement?

Is there a coherent policy basis for denying Abbas a visa, while allowing war criminal Netanyahu travel, beyond rhetoric about “statehood recognition,” “lawfare,” or “security concerns”? Are these just pretexts to serve political alignment?

How much do moral or legal principles matter when weighed against geopolitical alliances? And what are the long-term consequences of letting legality bend to political convenience?

In summary, the case of Mahmoud Abbas being denied entry to the U.S. to address the UN, contrasted with war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu continuing to travel and act on the international stage despite an ICC arrest warrant, encapsulates a striking example of hypocrisy in international relations. It demonstrates how legal obligations, moral responsibilities, and human rights can be subordinated to political alliances and power dynamics.

It’s not just about one visa or one warrant. It’s about what the international order claims to be — and what it allows in practice. When rhetoric about justice, diplomacy, human rights, and international law is not matched by consistent application, it undermines the credibility of those very values.