David Lammy- the Ugly Face of Britain

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In Handala’s Playground: Season 2, Episode 9: Israeli Security Without Humanity

S.T. Salah, 19/12/25


Handala (hands clasped behind his back, back to the reader):

You stand in a uniform and call it order. Tell me — what name do you give the empty cup you hand a man who asks only for water?

Israeli Guard (tight, practiced smile):

Procedure. Discipline. Measures for security.

Handala:

Procedure is a word people use to hide what they will not admit to their conscience. Do you feel secure when you deny another human the basics of life?

Israeli Guard:

We do what is necessary. The orders come from above, mainly from Ben-Gvir and Netanyahu.

Handala:

“Above” is a place for commands, not for conscience. When the ones above praise humiliation and racism as policy, whose face do you have to wash before you sleep?

Israeli Guard (bristles):

You speak as if you know the world of decisions. We protect Jewish citizens.

Handala:

Protection of one ethnic group that strips dignity from another becomes the very thing it pretends to guard against. If protection  means turning a person into a lesson, who taught you that lesson?

Israeli Guard:

Leaders set the rules. We carry them out. Loyalty matters.

Handala:

Loyalty to apartheid and racist laws! Loyalty to cruelty! There is a line between following an order and becoming the instrument of someone’s cruelty. Do you draw that line or blur it?

Israeli Guard (low):

We’re told the stakes are existential for our nation. The rhetoric is hot; the streets demand toughness and iron hand against our enemies. 

Handala:

Rhetoric is a fire that warms Israelis  and burns Palestinians. When your nazi leaders stoke flames with words that dehumanise, do you not notice that smoke in your own lungs?

Israeli Guard:

Politics is complicated. People in power say hard things.

Handala:

“Complicated” is a comfortable coat to wear when you’re standing barefoot over someone else’s life. When a policy promises nothing but humiliation and discrimination and racism, is that protection — or punishment dressed as policy?

Israeli Guard (shifts):

We follow the legal chain. If there are problems, they are for the courts to resolve.

Handala:

Which courts? Israeli courts are part of this illegal apartheid. They have never punish Israeli war criminals but punished the victims and stripped them from their rights. Who speaks for the silent, for the ones who can no longer speak because the rules were too racist? If you were the one cuffed, who would bet that the same chain would loosen?

Israeli Guard:

There are checks. There are reports.

Handala:

Reports written by the perpetrators are lies — and lies written on paper burn easily.

Who strikes the match when accountability is turned into politics?

When leaders cheer the breaking of human spirits, is that justice — or just theatre?

Israeli Guard (voice cracks):

You accuse my nation, you are anti-Semite.

Handala:

I accuse these acts — criminal, inhumane, and racist — for what they are.

And don’t hide behind your tired propaganda; remember, I am Semitic too.

Nations are built by many hands: some create, some destroy.

You chose which hand to be — the one that breaks, not the one that builds.

Israeli Guard:

I am only one. What can one man do against a whole machine?

Handala:

One man can refuse to be the cog that grinds. One man can tell the truth in the corridor where the loud mouths boast. One man can hand a cup back, or stop a chained joke. Courage is small at first; its echo is large. What do you whisper to your kids in the evening about these tortures? 

Israeli Guard (quiet):

And if I speak? If I refuse?

Handala:

Then you will be alone for a while and the right thing will be right forever. You will not be free of consequence — but you will be free of complicity.

Israeli Guard:

They will call me traitor.

Handala:

They will call many names, but many  will call you hero for standing against the illegal and inhumane practices. 

History calls them witnesses. Which name would you rather hear when the children come looking for answers — “he obeyed” or “he stopped”?

Israeli Guard (after a silence):

The orders… come from powerful men who promise safety, and they reward those who obey and punish those who refuse.

Handala:

Power that buys obedience with promises of false safety is cheap and corrupted power. True safety is built when mercy and equal law walk together — not when the occupier  stomps people under occupation.

Israeli Guard:

And those above? They speak loudly. They have followers.

Handala:

Loud mouths are not the same as right hands. Followers that cheer humiliation and racism will one day need forgiveness. Will you be the hand that offers it, or the hand that tightens the lash?

Israeli Guard (looking away):

I have a uniform, a family, fear.

Handala:

So did the first man who refused an unjust order. Courage asks less than the conscience demands; it only asks you to remember you are a human when you no longer see one across from you.

Israeli Guard:

You speak as if you know forgiveness.

Handala:

I speak as if I know memory. Memory is the bank where we deposit our deeds. What you put in there you will one day withdraw.

Israeli Guard (a breath):

If I told the truth, what would change?

Handala:

Truth is a small seed that grows stubborn. It forces inquiries, protects witnesses, makes courts listen and may save victims. It does not erase what was done, but it stops the next hand from repeating the same act.

Israeli Guard:

They’ll silence me. They’ll punish me for exposing orders.

Handala:

Then let it not be said you were silent because it was easy. Let it be said you were silent because you feared. Fear is human. Regret is heavier. Choose which burden you will carry.

Israeli Guard (quietly, almost to himself):

If I refuse to obey an order to humiliate, will that make me a criminal to my people?

Handala:

Not to the people who build a future worth living in. You might be a criminal to a moment’s politics. But history forgives the man who saves another’s dignity more readily than it forgives the man who kept his badge and lost his humanity.

Israeli Guard (hands unclench):

And if the orders are from the very ministers who celebrate violence and torture?

Handala:

Ministers wore garments of authority — others wore bones of consequence. When ministers reward torture, they expose not strength but fragility. Strength does not need to humiliate.

Israeli Guard:

You will not turn. You will always stand with your back to the reader, unbowed.

Handala (still turned away):

My back faces the world that turned its back on justice. My posture is not surrender but a promise: that I will not look away until the hand that breaks is held to account.

Israeli Guard (softly):

And if I walk with you?

Handala:

Then the burden will be shared. Then the story will change — from a catalogue of brokenness to one of repair. Walk, but first empty your pockets of excuses.

Israeli Guard:

I will carry nothing but truth.

Handala:

Then begin by naming what you know. Names have weight. Once named, things can be fixed.

Israeli Guard (nods, a small, uncertain resolve):

I will… speak.

Handala (no fanfare, just the fixed posture of a child who will not be pulled in):

Speak and make your silence a bargain for life, not a receipt for shame.

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Innocent Israelis, Bad Arabs? How the Media Scripted Amsterdam’s Soccer Violence

The NYT, BBC, CNN, among others emphasized the attacks on Israeli fans, while minimizing the anti-Arab racism that seemingly provoked much of the violence. 

MARC OWEN JONES

NOV 09, 2024

Source

Maccabi Tel Aviv fans stage a pro-Israel demonstration ahead of the UEFA Europa League match between Maccabi Tel Aviv and Ajax in Amsterdam, Netherlands, on Nov. 7, 2024. Photo by Mouneb Taim/Anadolu via Getty Images

When violence erupted around a soccer match in Amsterdam this week between fans of Israeli club Maccabi Tel Aviv and Dutch club Ajax, Western media outlets rushed to frame it mostly as an antisemitic attack on Israeli fans. But a closer examination of the coverage reveals troubling patterns in how racial violence is reported; not only is anti-Arab violence and racism marginalized and minimized, but violence against Israelis is amplified and reduced to antisemitism. 

Consider this paradox: The New York Timesran the headline, “Israeli soccer fans injured in attacks linked to antisemitism in Amsterdam,” but the body article contained only verified evidence of anti-Arab racism. Its lede emphasized antisemitic motivation, while the body of the article cited footage by Maccabi Tel Aviv fans chanting anti-Arab and racist slogans – footage that the New York Times had actually verified. The only basis at the time for claiming antisemitism came from a single tweet by the Dutch prime minister, while the linked Amsterdam police’s own statement made no such attribution (subsequent police statements did condemn “antisemitic behavior”).

The New York Times was not alone in minimizing Israeli fan violence and anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian racism. Other mainstream outlets like NBC, CBS, CNN, and the BBC, all ran almost identical headlines that read like Israeli press releases, emphasizing that Israelis had been “attacked.”

The language was incendiary, suggesting that there had been some one-sided planned ethnic cleansing of Amsterdam. President Isaac Herzog used the word “pogrom” to describe what happened, a loaded term that was then picked up by other commentators. Reuters used the phrase “antisemitic attack squads,” while the Telegraph quoted the Dutch king in its headline, leading with “We failed Jews during football attacks as we did under Nazis.” The invocation of Nazism did not stop there, the US-based Anti-Defamation League emphasized that the attacks happened on the night before the anniversary of Kristallnacht in 1938. One commentator posted a photo of Anne Frank.  Subscribe

Despite no Israelis being killed, a media system loathe to use the term genocide to describe the deaths of over 43,000 Palestinians seemed happy to use terminology redolent of the Holocaust. Suddenly, incidents of soccer hooliganism and anti-Israeli violence seemingly provoked by anti-Arab racism were being reduced to antisemitic pogroms. 

Burying the Lede

Buried or omitted in most accounts was verified evidence of anti-Arab racism that had occurred prior to these events, including footage of Maccabi Tel Aviv fans tearing down Palestinian flags, attacking taxi drivers, and chanting explicitly racist slogans like “Death to the Arabs” and “Let the IDF fuck the Arabs.” 

So marginalized were stories attempting to explain violence from Maccabi Tel Aviv fans that one Amsterdam resident took to social media to call out the media bias. She described hiding in fear as Israeli supporters attacked her home for displaying a Palestinian flag, stating in Dutch, “I hardly see anything in the media about my experience – that letting loose agitated football hooligans with war traumas, from a country that commits genocide and engages in extreme dehumanization, in the city *regardless of whether there are counter-protests* is not a good idea.” 

This demotion of non-Israeli experiences and suffering in the media was evident in other outlets such as the Washington Post and Channel 4 News. On Instagram, their headlines emphasized the attacks on Israeli fans. Only in the accompanying text did they clarify the context, with Channel 4 news writing “that Maccabi Tel Aviv fans were involved in two days of violence in the city, including footage of them singing anti-Arab and racist chants.” 

Minimizing anti-Arab racism and the provocations by Maccabi Tel Aviv fans was not subtle. The BBC’s extensive live blog of the unfolding events quoted 13 Israeli and Jewish sources while allowing just one or two alternative perspectives. Injuries to Israeli fans received detailed documentation and personal accounts, while the impact of racist abuse on local Arab and Muslim residents went largely unexplored.

My snap quantitative analysis of the BBC’s live coverage reveals the stark imbalance. 

Marc Owen Jones, Associate Professor at Northwestern University in Qatar, is an award-winning expert on disinformation, media analytics and Middle East politics. His latest book is titled ‘Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East’.

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Evidence of planned genocide and ethnic cleansing

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The Dispossession of Palestinian Land and Memory

Astromystic, 15/12/25

The dispossession of Palestinian land is not merely an economic or political act—it is a profound erasure of identity, memory, and belonging. The occupation is not just about military control; it is about the systematic dismantling of Palestinian history, culture, and geography. Land, in this context, is not just soil—it is memory, lineage, and the soul of a people.

For centuries, Palestinian families lived on ancestral lands, tending olive groves, building homes, and passing down stories from generation to generation. Yet, under Israeli military occupation, this connection has been severed. Land has been expropriated, settlements have been built on stolen soil, and historical sites have been bulldozed or erased. 

The dispossession is brutal in its physicality. Villages have been emptied, homes destroyed, and farms confiscated under the guise of “security” or “development.” In many cases, Palestinians are forced to leave their homes with no compensation—sometimes with a single bag, sometimes with nothing at all.

But perhaps the most insidious form of dispossession is the erasure of memory. When land is taken, the stories tied to it vanish. When villages are razed, the names of streets, the songs sung at weddings, the names of ancestors, and the rituals of harvest are lost. Palestinian children grow up without knowing the names of the fields their grandparents once farmed, or the stories of the wells their great-grandmothers once drew water from. The land is not just lost—it is forgotten.

This erasure is not accidental. It is deliberate. Occupation is not just about preventing resistance—it is about rewriting history. By removing Palestinians from their land, Israel removes them from their narrative. By constructing settlements and imposing checkpoints, it replaces Palestinian memory with Israeli presence. Yet, despite this erasure, Palestinians continue to remember. They hold onto the names of villages, the songs of their elders, the stories of their grandparents. They plant olive trees in memory of those lost, and they gather in homes and mosques to pass down traditions. Memory is not just a remnant—it is resistance.

The dispossession of land is not just a loss of property—it is a loss of self. For Palestinians, memory is not a luxury—it is survival. And as long as land is stolen, memory will fight back. The struggle to reclaim land is not just for the future—it is for the past, for the present, and for the soul of a people who refuse to be erased.

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Racist Double Standards in Western Policies: A Focus on the British Stance on Palestine

By Admin, 14/11/2024

Western governments, particularly the United Kingdom, often present themselves as defenders of democracy and human rights. However, their policies, especially regarding the Israeli occupation, reveal a striking inconsistency between rhetoric and action. This double standard has profound implications for their credibility and the well-being of those affected by the conflict.

The Inconsistent Approach to Human Rights

The British government, like many of its Western counterparts, vocally supports human rights in international forums. Yet, this commitment is inconsistently applied when addressing issues in occupied Palestine. While acts of resistance by Palestinians are swiftly condemned, Israeli atrocities of killing innocent  civilians and  violating international law, are often met with muted responses or are justified under the banner of self-defense. This disparity illustrates a prioritization of political alliances over the consistent application of human rights principles.

Selective Condemnation and Political Interests

The UK’s reluctance to criticize the racist  Israeli policies, including illegal settlement, separation wall,  starvation and genocide  in Gaza, contrasts sharply with its approach to similar actions by other nations. This selective condemnation often aligns with strategic interests, reinforcing a double standard that undermines the UK’s credibility as an impartial advocate for human rights.

Media and Public Perception

The British media’s portrayal of the Israeli apartheid frequently reflects these double standards, shaping public perception. Coverage tends to emphasize Israeli security concerns while downplaying or contextualizing the suffering of Palestinians. This biased narrative further entrenches the unequal treatment and limits public scrutiny of government policies.

The UK’s approach to the Israeli occupation exemplifies the double standards that mar Western foreign policy. To rebuild trust and credibility, the British government must apply its stated principles of human rights consistently, ensuring that its actions align with its values. Only then can it hope to foster a fair and lasting resolution for the  indigenous Palestinian people. 

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Palestinian villages at risk of being transformed into illegal Israeli settlements.

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The Mask of Sir Kid Starver

By Admin, 15/11/2024



Sir Kid Starver stands with words sharp and sly,
A human rights lawyer, a mask, a lie.
In Gaza, two million, starved and confined,
Children and mothers left shattered, maligned.

He denies the siege, turns away from the cries,
Beneath falling rubble and bomb-stricken skies.
“We defend the just,” he proclaims with pride,
Yet supplies the arms that fuel genocide.

Israeli occupation’s steel in his hand,
Feeds the flames that consume a lost land.
But truth rises fierce, though silenced and blurred;
No lie can hold back the reckoning stirred.
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Stop Arming Israeli Apartheid!

By Phalapoem editor, 4/12/2024

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My remarks at the Oxford Union debate

By Susan Abullhawa , 30/11/2024

I will not take questions until I’m finished speaking; so please refrain from interrupting me.

Addressing the challenge of what to do about the indigenous inhabitants of the land Chaim Weizman, a Russian Jew, said to the World Zionist Congress in 1921 that Palestinians were akin to “the rocks of Judea, obstacles that had to be cleared on a difficult path.”

David Gruen, a Polish Jew, who changed his name to David Ben Gurion to sound relevant to the region, said. “We must expel Arabs and take their places”

There are thousands of such conversations among the early zionists who plotted and implemented the violent colonization of Palestine and the annihilation of her native people.

But they were only partially successful, murdering or ethnically cleansing 80% of Palestinians, which meant that 20% of us remained, an enduring obstacle to their colonial fantasies, which became the subject of their obsessions in the decades that followed, especially after conquering what remained of Palestine in 1967.

Zionists lamented our presence and they debated publicly in all circles—political, academic, social, cultural circles—regarding what do with us; what to do about the Palestinian birthrate, about our babies, which they dub a demographic threat.

Benny Morris, who was originally meant to be here, once expressed regret that Ben Gurion “did not finish the job” of getting rid of us all, which would have obviated what they refer to as the “Arab problem.”

Benjamin Netanyahu, a Polish Jew whose real name is Benjamin Mileikowsky, once bemoaned a missed opportunity during the 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising to expel large swaths of the Palestinian population “while world attention was focused on China.”

Some of their articulated solutions to the nuisance of our existence include a “break their bones” policy in the 80s and 90s, ordered by Yitzhak Rubitzov, Ukrainian Jew who changed his name to Yitzhak Rabin (for the same reasons).

That horrific policy that crippled generations of Palestinians did not succeed in making us leave. And frustrated by Palestinian resilience, a new discourse arose, especially after a massive natural gas field was discovered off the coast of Northern Gaza worth trillions of dollars.

This new discourse is echoed in the words of Colonel Efraim Eitan, who said in 2004, “we have to kill them all.”

Aaron Sofer, an Israeli so-called intellectual and political advisor, insisted in 2018 that “we have to kill and kill and kill. All day, every day.”

When I was in Gaza, I saw a little boy no more than 9 years whose hands and part of his face, had been blown off from a booby trapped can of food that soldiers had left behind for Gaza’s starving children. I later learned that they had also left poisoned food for people in Shujaiyya, and in the 1980s and 90s, Israeli soldiers had left booby trapped toys in southern Lebanon that exploded when excited children picked them up.

The harm they do is diabolical, and yet, they expect you to believe they are the victims. Invoking Europe’s holocaust and screaming antisemitism, they expect you to suspend fundamental human reason to believe that the daily sniping of children with so called “kill shots” and the bombing of entire neighborhoods that bury families alive and wipe out whole bloodlines is self-defense.

They want you to believe that a man who had not eaten a thing in over 72 hours, who kept fighting even when all he had was one functioning arm, that this man was motivated by some innate savagery and irrational hatred or jealousy of Jews, rather than the indominable yearning to see his people free in their own homeland.

It’s clear to me that we’re not here to debate whether Israel is an apartheid or genocidal state. This debate is ultimately about the worth of Palestinian lives; about the worth of our schools, research centers, books, art, and dreams; about the worth of the homes we worked all our lives to build and which contain the memories of generations; about the worth of our humanity and our agency; the worth of bodies and ambitions.

Because if the roles were reversed—if Palestinians had spent the last eight decade stealing Jewish homes, expelling, oppressing, imprisoning, poisoning, torturing, raping and killing them; if Palestinians had killed an estimated 300,000 Jews in one year, targeted their journalists, their thinkers, their healthcare workers, their athletes, their artists, bombed every Israeli hospital, university, library, museum, cultural center, synagogue, and simultaneously set up an observation platform where people came watch their slaughter as if a tourist attraction;

if Palestinians had corralled them by the hundreds of thousands into flimsy tents, bombed them in so called safe zones, burned them alive, cut off their food, water, and medicine;

if Palestinians made Jewish children wander barefoot with empty pots; made them gather the flesh of their parents into plastic bags; made them bury their siblings, cousins and friends; made them sneak out from their tents in the middle of the night to sleep on their parents’ graves; made them pray for death just to join their families and not be alone in this terrible world anymore, and terrorized them so utterly that their children lose their hair, lose their memory, lose their minds, and made those as young as 4 and 5 year old were die of heart attacks;

if we mercilessly forced their NICU babies to die, alone in hospital beds, crying until they could cry no more, died and decomposed in the same spot;

if Palestinians used wheat flour aid trucks to lure starving jews, then opened fire on them when they gathered to collect a day’s bread; if Palestinians finally allowed a food delivery into a shelter with hungry Jews, then set fire to the entire shelter and aid truck before anyone could taste the food;

if a Palestinian sniper bragged about blowing out 42 Jewish kneecaps in one day as one Israeli soldier did in 2019; if a Palestinian admitted to CNN that he ran over hundreds of Jews with his tank, their squished flesh lingering in the tank treads;

if Palestinians were systematically raping Jewish doctors, patients, and other captives with hot metal rods, jagged and electrified sticks, and fire extinguishers, sometimes raping to death, as happened with Dr Adnan alBursh and others;

if Jewish women were forced to give birth in filth, get C-sections or leg amputations without anesthesia; if we destroyed their children then decorated our tanks with their toys; if we killed or displaced their women then posed with their lingerie…

if the world were watching the livestreamed systematic annihilation of Jews in real time, there would be no debating whether that constituted terrorism or genocide.

And yet two Palestinians—myself and Mohammad el-Kurd— showed up here to do just that, enduring the indignity of debating those who think our only life choices should be to leave our homeland, submit to their supremacy, or die politely and quietly.

But you would be wrong to think that I came to convince you of anything. Thehouse resolution, though well-meaning and appreciated, is of little consequence in the midst of this holocaust of our time.

I came in the spirit of Malcolm X and Jimmy Baldwin, both of whom stood here and in Cambridge before I was born, facing finely dressed well-spoken monsters who harbored the same supremacist ideologies as Zionism—these notions of entitlement and privilege, of being divinely favored, blessed, or chosen.

I’m here for the sake of history. To speak to generations not yet born and for the chronicles of this extraordinary time where the carpet bombing of defenseless indigenous societies is legitimized.

I’m here for my grandmothers, both of whom died as penniless refugees while foreign Jews lived in their stolen homes.

And I also came to speak directly to zionists here and everywhere.

We let you into our homes when your own countries tried to murder you and everyone else turned you away. We fed, clothed, gave you shelter, and we shared the bounty of our land with you, and when the time was ripe, you kicked us out of our own homes and homeland, then you killed and robbed and burned and looted our lives.

You carved out our hearts because it is clear you do not know how to live in the world without dominating others.

You have crossed all lines and nurtured the most vile of human impulses, but the world is finally glimpsing the terror we have endured at your hands for so long, and they are seeing the reality of who you are, who you’ve always been. They watch in utter astonishment the sadism, the glee, the joy, and pleasure with which you conduct, watch, and cheer the daily details of breaking our bodies, our minds, our future, our past.

But no matter what happens from here, no matter what fairytales you tell yourself and tell the world, you will never truly belong to that land. You will never understand the sacredness of the olives trees, which you’ve been cutting down and burning for decades just to spite us and to break our hearts a little more. No one native to that land would dare do such a thing to the olives. No one who belongs to that region would ever bomb or destroy such ancient heritage as Baalbak or Bittir, or destroy ancient cemeteries as you destroy ours, like the Anglican cemetery in Jerusalem or the resting place of ancient Muslim scholars and warriors in Maamanillah. Those who come from that land do not desecrate the dead; that’s why my family for centuries were the caretakers of the Jewish cemetery in the mount of olives, as labors of faith and care for what we know is part of our ancestry and story.

Your ancestors will always be buried in your actual homelands of Poland, Ukraine, and elsewhere around the world from whence you came. The mythos and folklore of the land will always be alien to you.

You will never be literate in the sartorial language of the thobes we wear, that sprang from the land through our foremothers over centuries—every motif, design, and pattern speaking to the secrets of local lore, flora, birds, rivers, and wildlife.

What your realestate agents call in their high-priced listings “old Arab home” will always hold in their stones the stories and memories of our ancestors who built them. The ancient photos and paintings of the land will never contain you.

You will never know how it feels to be loved and supported by those who have nothing to gain from you, and in fact, everything to lose. You will never know the feeling of masses all over the world pouring into the streets and stadiums to chant and sing for your freedom; and it is not because you are Jewish, as you try to make the world believe, but because you are depraved violent colonizers who think your Jewishness entitles you to the home my grandfather and his brothers built with their own hands on lands that had been in our family for centuries. It is because Zionism is a blight onto Judaism and indeed onto humanity.

You can change your names to sound more relevant to the region and you can pretend falafel and hummus and zaatar are your ancient cuisines, but in the recesses of your being, you will always feel the sting of this epic forgery and theft, that’s why even the drawings of our children pasted hung on walls at the UN or in a hospital ward send your leaders and lawyers into hysteric meltdowns.

You will not erase us, no matter how many of us you kill and kill and kill, all day every day. We are not the rocks Chaim Weizmann thought you could clear from the land. We are its very soil. We are her rivers and her trees and her stories, because all of that was nurtured by our bodies and our lives over millennia of continuous, uninterrupted habitation of that patch of earth between the Jordan and Mediterranean waters, from our Canaanite, our Hebrew, our Philistine, and our Phoenician ancestors, to every conqueror or pilgrim who came and went, who married or raped, loved, enslaved, converted between religions, settled or prayed in our land, leaving pieces of themselves in our bodies and our heritage. The fabled, tumultuous stories of that land are quite literally in our DNA. You cannot kill or propagandize that away, no matter what death technology you use or what Hollywood and corporate media arsenals you deploy.

Someday, your impunity and arrogance will end. Palestine will be free; she will be restored to her multi-religious, multi-ethnic pluralistic glory; we will restore and expand the trains that run from Cairo to Gaza to Jerusalem, Haifa, Tripoli, Beirut, Damascus, Amman, Kuwait, Sanaa, and so on; we will put an end to the zionist American war machine of domination, expansion, extraction, pollution, and looting.

..and you will either leave, or you will finally learn to live with others as equals.

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Situation in the State of Palestine: ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I rejects the State of Israel’s challenges to jurisdiction and issues warrants of arrest for Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant

Source, 21/11/2024

Today, on 21 November 2024, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (‘Court’), in its composition for the Situation in the State of Palestine, unanimously issued two decisions rejecting challenges by the State of Israel (‘Israel’) brought under articles 18 and 19 of the Rome Statute (the ‘Statute’). It also issued warrants of arrest for Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant.

Decisions on requests by the State of Israel

The Chamber ruled on two requests submitted by the Israel on 26 September 2024. In the first request, Israel challenged the Court’s jurisdiction over the Situation in the State of Palestine in general, and over Israeli nationals more specifically, on the basis of article 19(2) of the Statute. In the second request, Israel requested that the Chamber order the Prosecution to provide a new notification of the initiation of an investigation to its authorities under article 18(1) of the Statute. Israel also requested the Chamber to halt any proceedings before the Court in the relevant situation, including the consideration of the applications for warrants of arrest for Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant, submitted by the Prosecution on 20 May 2024.

As to the first challenge, the Chamber noted that the acceptance by Israel of the Court’s jurisdiction is not required, as the Court can exercise its jurisdiction on the basis of territorial jurisdiction of Palestine, as determined by Pre-Trial Chamber I in a previous composition. Furthermore, the Chamber considered that pursuant to article 19(1) of the Statute, States are not entitled to challenge the Court’s jurisdiction under article 19(2) prior to the issuance of a warrant of arrest. Thus Israel’s challenge is premature. This is without prejudice to any future possible challenges to the Court’s jurisdiction and/or admissibility of any particular case.

Decision on Israel’s challenge to the jurisdiction of the Court pursuant to article 19(2) of the Rome Statute

The Chamber also rejected Israel’s request under article 18(1) of the Statute. The Chamber recalled that the Prosecution notified Israel of the initiation of an investigation in 2021. At that time, despite a clarification request by the Prosecution, Israel elected not to pursue any request for deferral of the investigation. Further, the Chamber considered that the parameters of the investigation in the situation have remained the same and, as a consequence, no new notification to the State of Israel was required. In light of this, the judges found that there was no reason to halt the consideration of the applications for warrants of arrest.

Decision on Israel’s request for an order to the Prosecution to give an Article 18(1) notice

Warrants of arrest

The Chamber issued warrants of arrest for two individuals, Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant, for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from at least 8 October 2023 until at least 20 May 2024, the day the Prosecution filed the applications for warrants of arrest.

The arrest warrants are classified as ‘secret’, in order to protect witnesses and to safeguard the conduct of the investigations. However, the Chamber decided to release the information below since conduct similar to that addressed in the warrant of arrest appears to be ongoing. Moreover, the Chamber considers it to be in the interest of victims and their families that they are made aware of the warrants’ existence.

At the outset, the Chamber considered that the alleged conduct of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant falls within the jurisdiction of the Court. The Chamber recalled that, in a previous composition, it already decided that the Court’s jurisdiction in the situation extended to Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Furthermore, the Chamber declined to use its discretionary proprio motu powers to determine the admissibility of the two cases at this stage. This is without prejudice to any determination as to the jurisdiction and admissibility of the cases at a later stage.

With regard to the crimes, the Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu, born on 21 October 1949, Prime Minister of Israel at the time of the relevant conduct, and Mr Gallant, born on 8 November 1958, Minister of Defence of Israel at the time of the alleged conduct, each bear criminal responsibility for the following crimes as co-perpetrators for committing the acts jointly with others: the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts.

The Chamber also found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant each bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing an attack against the civilian population.

Alleged crimes

The Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that during the relevant time, international humanitarian law related to international armed conflict between Israel and Palestine applied. This is because they are two High Contracting Parties to the 1949 Geneva Conventions and because Israel occupies at least parts of Palestine. The Chamber also found that the law related to non-international armed conflict applied to the fighting between Israel and Hamas. The Chamber found that the alleged conduct of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant concerned the activities of Israeli government bodies and the armed forces against the civilian population in Palestine, more specifically civilians in Gaza. It therefore concerned the relationship between two parties to an international armed conflict, as well as the relationship between an occupying power and the population in occupied territory. For these reasons, with regards to war crimes, the Chamber found it appropriate to issue the arrest warrants pursuant to the law of international armed conflict. The Chamber also found that the alleged crimes against humanity were part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population of Gaza.

The Chamber considered that there are reasonable grounds to believe that both individuals intentionally and knowingly deprived the civilian population in Gaza of objects indispensable to their survival, including food, water, and medicine and medical supplies, as well as fuel and electricity, from at least 8 October 2023 to 20 May 2024. This finding is based on the role of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant in impeding humanitarian aid in violation of international humanitarian law and their failure to facilitate relief by all means at its disposal. The Chamber found that their conduct led to the disruption of the ability of humanitarian organisations to provide food and other essential goods to the population in need in Gaza. The aforementioned restrictions together with cutting off electricity and reducing fuel supply also had a severe impact on the availability of water in Gaza and the ability of hospitals to provide medical care.

The Chamber also noted that decisions allowing or increasing humanitarian assistance into Gaza were often conditional. They were not made to fulfil Israel’s obligations under international humanitarian law or to ensure that the civilian population in Gaza would be adequately supplied with goods in need. In fact, they were a response to the pressure of the international community or requests by the United States of America. In any event, the increases in humanitarian assistance were not sufficient to improve the population’s access to essential goods.

Furthermore, the Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that no clear military need or other justification under international humanitarian law could be identified for the restrictions placed on access for humanitarian relief operations. Despite warnings and appeals made by, inter alia, the UN Security Council, UN Secretary General, States, and governmental and civil society organisations about the humanitarian situation in Gaza, only minimal humanitarian assistance was authorised. In this regard, the Chamber considered the prolonged period of deprivation and Mr Netanyahu’s statement connecting the halt in the essential goods and humanitarian aid with the goals of war.

The Chamber therefore found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant bear criminal responsibility for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.

The Chamber found that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the lack of food, water, electricity and fuel, and specific medical supplies, created conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of the civilian population in Gaza, which resulted in the death of civilians, including children due to malnutrition and dehydration. On the basis of material presented by the Prosecution covering the period until 20 May 2024, the Chamber could not determine that all elements of the crime against humanity of extermination were met. However, the Chamber did find that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the crime against humanity of murder was committed in relation to these victims.

In addition, by intentionally limiting or preventing medical supplies and medicine from getting into Gaza, in particular anaesthetics and anaesthesia machines, the two individuals are also responsible for inflicting great suffering by means of inhumane acts on persons in need of treatment. Doctors were forced to operate on wounded persons and carry out amputations, including on children, without anaesthetics, and/or were forced to use inadequate and unsafe means to sedate patients, causing these persons extreme pain and suffering. This amounts to the crime against humanity of other inhumane acts.

The Chamber also found reasonable grounds to believe that the abovementioned conduct deprived a significant portion of the civilian population in Gaza of their fundamental rights, including the rights to life and health, and that the population was targeted based on political and/or national grounds. It therefore found that the crime against humanity of persecution was committed.

Finally, the Chamber assessed that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population of Gaza. In this regard, the Chamber found that the material provided by the Prosecution only allowed it to make findings on two incidents that qualified as attacks that were intentionally directed against civilians. Reasonable grounds to believe exist that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant, despite having measures available to them to prevent or repress the commission of crimes or ensure the submittal of the matter to the competent authorities, failed to do so.

Background

On 1 January 2015, The State of Palestine lodged a declaration under article 12(3) of the Rome Statute accepting jurisdiction of the Court since 13 June 2014.

On 2 January 2015, The State of Palestine acceded to the Rome Statute by depositing its instrument of accession with the UN Secretary-General. The Rome Statute entered into force for The State of Palestine on 1 April 2015.

On 22 May 2018, pursuant to articles 13(a) and 14 of the Rome Statute, The State of Palestine referred to the Prosecutor the Situation since 13 June 2014, with no end date. 

On 3 March 2021, the Prosecutor announced the opening of the investigation into the Situation in the State of Palestine. This followed Pre-Trial Chamber I’s decision on 5 February 2021 that the Court could exercise its criminal jurisdiction in the Situation and, by majority, that the territorial scope of this jurisdiction extends to Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. 

On 17 November 2023, the Office of the Prosecutor received a further referral of the Situation in the State of Palestine, from South Africa, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Comoros, and Djibouti, and on 18 January 2024, the Republic of Chile and the United Mexican State additionally submitted a referral to the Prosecutor with respect to the situation in The State of Palestine.

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Thanksgiving for Gaza

By Admin, 29/11/2024




In Gaza’s ruins, beneath the sky,
Where genocide and dreams collide,
Fourteen months of blood and stone,
You stand, unbroken, though alone.

Under occupation’s brutal chain,
Starved and silenced, yet you remain.
The world averts its guilty eyes,
But you expose its hollow lies.

Through endless grief, through crushing night,
You fight for freedom, claim the right.
To Gaza’s courage, thanks we give,
For proving resistance is to live.
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The Ten Mythologies of Israel

Astromystic, 8/12/25

Ilan Pappé’s The Ten Mythologies of Israel identifies ten foundational myths that distort the historical narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, shielding Israel’s colonization, occupation, and violence from moral scrutiny. These myths, widely accepted in Western media and political discourse, serve to justify Israeli actions and delegitimize Palestinian resistance.

These myths, Pappé concludes, are not merely historical errors—they are tools of moral and political manipulation that sustain oppression and prevent justice. Challenging them, he insists, is not anti-Semitic but essential for universal human rights and peace.

Myth 1 falsely claims Palestine was “land without people,” erasing its vibrant Arab society under Ottoman rule. The myth’s second half, that Jews were “people without land,” is less critical but still used to justify dispossession.

Myth 2 falsely portrays early Palestinian resistance as “anti-Semitic terror,” ignoring that settlers were initially welcomed and resistance emerged only after colonial intent became clear.

Myth 3 falsely blames Palestinians for their displacement in 1948, claiming they rejected the UN Partition Plan or fled voluntarily. Pappé reveals these myths ignore the colonial nature of Zionism and the fact that half of refugees were expelled before the war began. He also debunks the “David vs. Goliath” myth and the claim that Israel extended peace offers—instead, Israel assassinated mediators and rejected peace initiatives.

Myth 4 falsely depicts pre-1967 Israel as a benign democracy, ignoring that Palestinian citizens were subjected to military rule, and Israel actively supported Arab regimes’ overthrow.

Myth 5 falsely labels Palestinian resistance as “terrorism,” ignoring its anti-colonial character and the global bias against Muslim-led liberation movements.

Myth 6 falsely claims Israel was forced into 1967 occupation and must hold territory until peace is achieved. Pappé shows Israel planned to annex the West Bank since 1948, and 1967 was the culmination of that plan.

Myth 7 falsely portrays Israel’s occupation as benevolent, with violence as a response to Palestinian resistance. In reality, Israel used collective punishment, denied rights, and unilaterally annexed territory.

Myth 8 falsely portrays Oslo as a genuine peace process. Pappé argues it was a Zionist strategy to partition Palestine into a fragmented “Bantustan,” excluding refugees and denying sovereignty.

Myth 9 falsely claims the Second Intifada (2000-2005) was a terrorist plot by Arafat. In truth, it was a popular uprising against Oslo’s betrayal, crushed violently by Israel, forcing Palestinians into more desperate resistance.

Myth 10 falsely claims the “two-state solution” is imminent. Pappé argues it’s a Zionist illusion designed to maintain Israeli control over the West Bank while excluding Palestinians’ rights to return, equality, and Jerusalem.

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