Eternal Optimism

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Spying, hacking and intimidation: Israel’s nine-year ‘war’ on the ICC exposed

Exclusive: Investigation reveals how intelligence agencies tried to derail war crimes prosecution, with Netanyahu ‘obsessed’ with intercepts

Harry DaviesBethan McKernan and Yuval Abraham in Jerusalem and Meron Rapoportin Tel AvivTue 28 May 2024 13.00 BSTShare

When the chief prosecutor of the international criminal court (ICC) announced he was seeking arrest warrantsagainst Israeli and Hamas leaders, he issued a cryptic warning: “I insist that all attempts to impede, intimidate or improperly influence the officials of this court must cease immediately.”

Karim Khan did not provide specific details of attempts to interfere in the ICC’s work, but he noted a clause in the court’s foundational treaty that made any such interference a criminal offence. If the conduct continued, he added, “my office will not hesitate to act”.

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War on Gaza: Al Jazeera tells the 7 October story that British media will not

Peter Oborne

Published date: 22 March 2024 09:59 GMT| Last update: 6 hours 23 mins ago 

New documentary reveals how false and inflammatory allegations made their way into the journalistic mainstream 

This screenshot from the Al Jazeera film “October 7” shows a building in Israel that appears to have been damaged by Israeli weaponry after the Hamas incursion (Al Jazeera screenshot)

Forensic. Sober. Clear-sighted. Scrupulous. Al Jazeera’s investigative unit has produced a film that tells the story of what really happened on 7 October.

This authoritative documentary does not flinch from detailing the atrocities and war crimes carried out by Hamas. But it shows beyond reasonable doubt that many of the lurid accounts that emerged from Israeli sources were false. 

Deeply inflammatory stories, whether concerning allegations of mass rape or the beheading and burning of babies, were either unsupported by evidence or straightforward lies. Yet, they prepared the way for the murderous savagery of the ensuing Israeli assault on Gaza, which has been described by the International Court of Justice as a plausible genocide.

Al Jazeera painstakingly analyses how these accounts entered the public domain. This involves a sustained look at Zaka, Israel’s emergency response unit of trained paramedics who handle terrorist episodes and homicides.

Al Jazeera shows how Zaka gave details of atrocities that never happened, including of burned and beheaded babies, which made headlines around the world and were used for maximum propaganda effect by Israel to gain sympathy.

One Zaka employee, Yossi Landau, told reporters that Hamas burned to death “two piles of 10 children each” in a house in Kibbutz Be’eri. 

This account was pounced on by the media, and a version was repeated by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a conversation with USPresident Joe Biden: “They took dozens of children, bound them up, burned them and executed them.”

Vital reporting

But as Al Jazeera shows, these accounts were untrue. An examination of the list of the dead showed that two 12-year-old twins were tragically killed when police and soldiers stormed the house in Be’eri, but there were no other children at that location, the documentary notes.

More generally, the list reveals that two babies died on 7 October. One was killed when a bullet was fired through a door, while the other died following an emergency caesarean section after the mother was shot. Neither was burned or beheaded.



Al Jazeera also shows that there is no serious evidence to support claims of widespread and systematic rape, setting out the known facts before quoting British lawyer Madeleine Rees of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, who says: “Nothing that I’ve seen put forward so far suggests that [rape was] widespread and systematic.”

It has been left entirely to non-mainstream outlets to exercise scrutiny and scepticism, and to behave like professional journalists

This is serious, measured and vital reporting. It raises one interesting and significant point: why was it left to Al Jazeera to carry out this work? 

Why couldn’t the BBC have done it? ITN? Sky News? The famous Sunday Times investigative unit? Campaigning tabloids like the Daily Mail or Daily Express? Hard-hitting broadsheets like the Times of London? 

The answer might be simple: the UKmainstream media has itself played a significant role in promoting and endorsing fabricated Israeli accounts of 7 October. The Express, the Daily Mail, the Times, the Independent and Metro all ran front-page stories amplifying Israeli claims about 40 dead babies. The Daily Mail front page read: “This was a holocaust pure and simple.” 

Even to question these terrifying accounts drew accusations of bad faith. According to one Telegraph headline: “Israel shouldn’t have had to prove that Hamas slaughtered babies.” 

Dehumanising Palestinians 

The early reports of burned and beheaded babies presented Hamas as subhuman barbarians, comparable to the Islamic State.

These reports could be used to justify Israel’s own savagery towards the Palestinianpopulation of Gaza. “I hear the calls for a ceasefire,” Israel’s then foreign minister, Eli Cohen, said at the United Nations. “Tell me, what is a proportional response for killing of babies? For rape women and burn them? For beheading of a child? The proportional response to the October 7th massacre is total destruction, total destruction, to the last of the Hamas.”

War on Gaza: How British media favours the Israeli narrative

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In the words of US Republican Senator Marco Rubio: “I don’t think there’s any way Israel can be expected to coexist or find some diplomatic offramp with these savages.”

According to researcher Marc Owen Jones, quoted in the Al Jazeera film, “sexual violence and other forms of violence are being weaponised to dehumanise an enemy, and dehumanisation is important in conflict. Why? Because dehumanisation lowers the threshold by which you will willingly agree to attack or harm another group of people. And how do you you do that? You see them as subhuman.”

This Al Jazeera film does much more than simply correct the record about events on 7 October. It also raises serious concerns about the British media failing to question the Israeli narrative.

It has been left entirely to non-mainstream outlets to exercise scrutiny and scepticism, and to behave like professional journalists. Let’s name them: excellent work has been done by the Grayzone, the Intercept, the Electronic Intifada, Yes! Magazine, Mondoweiss, and to some extent, the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. 

Meanwhile, the British mainstream media has laid itself open to the charge that it has been complicit in the dehumanisation of Palestinians, which in turn has opened the way to what looks more every day like a genocide in Gaza. 

Peter Oborne won best commentary/blogging in both 2022 and 2017, and was also named freelancer of the year in 2016 at the Drum Online Media Awards for articles he wrote for Middle East Eye. He was also named as British Press Awards Columnist of the Year in 2013. He resigned as chief political columnist of the Daily Telegraph in 2015. His latest book is The Fate of Abraham: Why the West is Wrong about Islam, published in May by Simon & Schuster. His previous books include The Triumph of the Political Class, The Rise of Political Lying, Why the West is Wrong about Nuclear Iran and The Assault on Truth: Boris Johnson, Donald Trump and the Emergence of a New Moral Barbarism.

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Can an Occupier Claim the Right to Security? The Paradox of Power and Oppression

Phalapoem editor, 12/11/25


For decades, the word security has served as a political shield—invoked to rationalise walls, raids, land theft, assassinations, torture, imprisonment, blockades, and discrimination. Yet when the state demanding security is also an occupying power, its claim deserves scrutiny. Can a government that maintains brutal military rule over another people truly present itself as a victim in need of protection?

Occupation is not a defensive act; it is a mm illegal structure of control. International law—most clearly the Fourth Geneva Convention—prohibits the permanent seizure of land and the transfer of an occupier’s population into occupied territory. Still, large-scale settlement construction continues, carving up territory, isolating communities, and tightening the machinery of apartheid.

The daily reality at hundreds checkpoints, where residents queue for hours to pass through metal gates, is not about keeping anyone safe. It is about reminding a population who holds the power. Administrative detention, demolition orders, and collective punishments all flow from the same premise: that one group’s security justifies another’s subjugation.

Beyond the statistics of demolished homes and confiscated land lies a deeper wound—the erosion of dignity. Children learn early that armed soldiers control the rhythm of their days. Parents rebuild what bulldozers destroy, only to see it flattened again. “Security” becomes the occupier’s justification for acts that would never be accepted within its own borders and against its citizens. 

Such a system does not create safety. It breeds resentment and despair, ensuring that fear persists on both sides of the wall. No society can live indefinitely with its foot on another’s neck without losing its moral balance.

History’s verdict on systems of domination is consistent. Colonial regimes and apartheid governments once claimed they were defending civilisation or order. None survived unchanged. Power maintained by injustice eventually collapses under its own contradictions, leaving behind a legacy of shame and loss.

When the present conflict is studied in future classrooms, historians will not quote the slogans of security; they will examine the testimonies of those who endured occupation—the families displaced, the children starved and imprisoned without trial, the civilians killed in the name of calm. The question will not be whether the occupier was threatened, but what it became in the pursuit of control.

Real security cannot be built on domination. It rests on justice, equality, and the recognition of shared humanity. Lasting peace will not come from more walls or checkpoints or land theft or genocide or starvation but from a political settlement that ends dispossession and grants every person equal rights under the law.

A state that seeks security while denying another people their freedom is chasing a mirage. True safety will come only when both occupier and occupied are liberated—from fear, from vengeance, and from the cycle of oppression that binds them.

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Letter 2 to the Olive Tree: The Seasons of Struggle

Phalapoem editor, 10/11/25


Dear Olive Tree,

How many storms have passed over your branches, how many seasons of silence have you endured? Your bark bears the story of centuries — carved by wind, scarred by fire, yet still you rise against the sky of Palestine. You stand where the soil remembers every footstep, every prayer whispered into the dust.

When I touch your trunk, it feels like touching the heartbeat of my homeland — steady, patient, eternal. You have seen generations come and go: farmers who sang to you at dawn, children who climbed your limbs with laughter, and mothers who pressed your oil into bread and hope. You have also witnessed exile, the quiet ache of absence, and the longing that lives in every stone of this land.

Even when the fields were taken and the hills grew silent, you refused to die. Each spring you bloom again, small white blossoms trembling in defiance — a soft, living protest written in petals. You remind us that to belong is not a privilege, but a birthright; that roots, once deep, cannot be erased by borders or time.

You are more than a tree — you are Palestine itself: wounded, beautiful, unyielding. In your shadow, I remember who we are — a people who endure, who rebuild, who love their land even in absence.

With faith and love,
Your Child of Palestine

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Qraiqea’s Gallery

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Rape Of Palestinian Women Is Permissible!” What Do You Know About Israel’s Sexual Crimes Against Palestinians? 

Source University Newspaper

Palestinians are exposed to sexual assaults that amount to rape by the Israeli occupation forces. The victims of these assaults vary among women, men, and children, and rape incidents are always shrouded in some kind of secrecy. Which makes it difficult to reach specific numbers, with testimonies appearing from time to time, at a time when 40% of Palestinian children have been subjected to sexual assault in Israeli prisons, and it does not seem that the matter is limited to mere “individual cases,” but may extend to being a “systematic” method. With the existence of fatwas “allowing Israeli soldiers to rape Palestinian women during war”!
Years after the incident, a Palestinian woman tells the testimony of her rape. “I resisted him, but he was stronger than me. He did what he wanted. He raped me. I kept hitting him and screaming, but no one heard me.”

This is how a Palestinian woman tells the testimony of her rape at the end of October 2017, years after she was raped. The late disclosure of her rape shows the sensitivity of the issue, and the tendency of many not to disclose it or report it officially. This makes it very difficult to obtain specific numbers regarding these cases.

The incident occurred when soldiers from the Israeli occupation police prevented the woman from entering Jerusalem, and took her to a security headquarters, where one of the soldiers harassed her, and his attempts continued for hours without being able to rape her, before another came to rape her after a fight.

Contrary to what many people tend to think, this woman resorted to reporting officially after one of her relatives convinced her to do so, but the Israeli Investigation Unit closed the file more than once “without completing the investigation,” under the pretext that the perpetrator was unknown, while the victim’s lawyer stated that the investigating authorities did not enable him to obtain video recordings from the surveillance cameras located at the police station, nor did it show the victim photos of the police officers who were present during the commission of the crime, to identify the perpetrator.

A look at rape incidents in the archives of the Israeli Military Prosecution. 

Since its establishment, the Israeli occupation army has sanctified important values, including: respect for humanity and maintaining the purity of weapons. These values ​​are based on a Jewish heritage that extends back many years.

These words were said by Gadi Eizenkot, Chief of Staff of the Israeli occupation army, in a letter he circulated to recruits in Israel at the end of March 2016, and a response came that was not from an Arab, but from his fellow Israeli, Amir Oren, a senior correspondent and columnist in the Haaretz newspaper.  The Israeli army, who was provoked by Eizenkot’s words, especially “the purity of weapons,” considered that his words were a “big mistake,” and pointed to what he described as “a history of corruption and rot that lies behind the legacy of battles.”

Oren devoted an article, dating back to April 3, 2016, in which he refuted Eisenkot’s words, using the archives of the Israeli military prosecution, which included many war crimes that included the liquidation of prisoners and cases of rape, which Israel overlooked, without punishing the perpetrators, as happened with the Palestinian woman. Which was previously talked about.

Oren said: “In most of the operations and crimes, Israel did not release anyone because it simply did not arrest them or try them. Instead of the ‘revolving door’ policy, Israel opened the door through general amnesty laws,” explaining: “When the major wars (1948-1967) ended, feelings of Victory, all those who participated in it were declared heroes, and war crimes were silenced under the slogan “In war we fight, and inside we pardon and forgive.”

Oren cited a number of rape incidents in the files of the Israeli military prosecution, which ended by closing the files without punishing the perpetrators, including rapes that occurred in Acre on the night of May 29, 1948, and another incident in which a Palestinian citizen submitted an invitation in which he said: “Four Israeli soldiers… “They broke into his house, took him out, and raped his wife.” The commander of the city of Ramla ordered an investigation into that incident, but the investigation was also closed.

While another rape crime occurred, in November 1948, at the headquarters of the Israeli 11th Battalion, when four Israeli soldiers met an Arab convoy, which was traveling near the town of Tarshiha, and they stopped two girls, one of whom raped the first, and the rest tried to rape the second, and the soldiers claimed in the investigation “The two girls initially resisted the rape, but then agreed to it and even helped carry out the rape.” This prompted the Public Prosecutor to prosecute the soldiers, but only a few days passed until the general amnesty decision came into effect and the four soldiers were released.

These rape incidents included the rape of young girls who did not exceed the age of 18, including the rape of a 16-year-old girl by soldiers, in front of her parents, in the village of “Iraq Suwaidan,” in November 1948. The military prosecution ordered an investigation into the incident, but the commander of the southern region refused to provide a car for the investigators. The investigation was not conducted in the first place.

Oren narrates another rape incident: “On the day Israel was established, three Israeli military policemen raped a 12-year-old girl in the city of Jaffa. They were tried 10 days after the crime. They were convicted of committing a “disgraceful act” and were sentenced to only three months in prison. But the Chief of Staff ordered that the punishment not be carried out.”

The chief rabbi of the occupation army issued a fatwa permitting the rape of Palestinian women! Israeli soldiers may rape Palestinian and non-Jewish women in the event of war. This is how Eyal Karim, the chief rabbi of the Israeli occupation army, issued a fatwa in a series of exciting fatwas issued by the man, which also permitted the torture of Palestinian detainees to extract confessions, and the killing of injured Palestinians. These fatwas also reinforce what Arwin’s article pointed out about war crimes and rape incidents that have passed. In the end, it went unnoticed, without the perpetrators being punished.

Karim’s statements sparked controversy, and Eisenkot said that they were “incompatible with the values ​​of the Israeli army,” but that did not prevent Karim from retaining his position, after he said in July 2016 that his statements “were limited only to ancient times,” which confirms also, the war crimes committed by the Israeli occupation army in 1948, which Oren mentioned, citing the archives of the Israeli military prosecution.

It seems that officials in Israel are always complaining, at least in the media, about the fact that the Israeli occupation army rapes Palestinian women, which was also evident to a number of Israeli officials, led by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, from the Israeli Film Society’s screening of a film called “Libestika” is available in a number of countries around the world, including America and Germany.

What disturbed Netanyahu was the content of the film, which was taken from a true story of two Palestinian girls who were raped in 1994, during the intifada, by a soldier from the Israeli occupation army, to tell of the tragedies they were exposed to, which also included the social “shame” that may befall some Palestinian victims. Therefore, in statements in February 2011, Netanyahu considered showing the film a provocation to him and the Israeli occupation army, demanding that it be stopped.

Testimonies of forced nudity, sexual harassment, and threats of rape. We have several documented and horrific testimonies of Palestinian female prisoners detained in Israeli prisons or freed, all of whom confirm that Israeli interrogators harass the female prisoners and threaten them with rape if they do not make the confessions required of them. This is what Abdel Nasser Farawneh, a researcher specializing in prisoners’ affairs and director of the Statistics Department at the Palestinian Ministry of Prisoners and Ex-Prisoners, says in statements dating back to 2012. In addition to the cases of rape that we reviewed in the report, some Palestinian women freed from captivity narrate the sexual assaults they were subjected to, Forced nudity, sexual harassment, and threats of rape from Israeli occupation soldiers in Israeli prisons.

Among these cases, the liberated prisoner A. H., who said that she was “subjected to two attempted rapes and severe torture, the effects of which remain on her body to this day, despite the passage of many years since her liberation,” while “Sh. A: “The (Israeli) investigator forced me to lift the shawl from my head, played with my hair, and threatened me with rape if I did not confess.” R. spoke. A. about forced nudity and says: “From the moment I was arrested from home, the soldiers conducted a strip search on the ground. Then I was transferred, handcuffed with iron chains, to the Al-Maskobiyya detention center in Jerusalem for investigation, and there I was strip-searched again.”

This is similar to what another prisoner was subjected to. She pointed out that female soldiers harassed her and searched her naked in front of the soldiers. She says: “At the moment of my arrest, there were four female soldiers who brought me in and strip-searched me. One of the soldiers was in the room, and when I refused to take off my clothes in front of him, they beat me severely and stripped me.” I took my clothes off by force, while the soldier looked at me while I was naked.”

She added, crying: “There was a dirty female soldier named Nietzsche who assaulted me and sexually harassed me more than once. She used to come with three female soldiers and take me from my room in the evening under the pretext that they suspected me and wanted to search me. However, she was forcefully sexually assaulting me, and this situation was repeated over and over again, and every time I felt extremely humiliated and cruel, and this situation still continues to this day, whenever I remember it, it makes me feel frustrated and psychologically weak.”

Sexual torture is systematic in the occupation prisons, and 40% of detained children were not spared from it. Israeli authorities engage in systematic sexual torture. Thus concluded an investigation by the Public Committee against Torture in Israel. The investigation was conducted by Daniel Washett, a member of the committee. The investigation came to light in November 2015. It came under the title “Sexual Torture by the Israeli Authorities Against Palestinian Men.” The investigation examined testimonies of sexual assaults in the period from 2012. Until 2015, its executor believed that this investigation was the first of its kind.

The investigation revealed that Palestinian men are also vulnerable to sexual assaults by the occupation forces, not just women. Washit was able to document 60 testimonies about sexual assaults and sexual torture to which Palestinians were subjected, including 77 cases of sexual assault, which varied between verbal sexual harassment (36 cases) and nudity. coercive (35), and physical sexual abuse (6).

In a related context, Palestinian children were also not spared from the sexual assaults carried out by the occupation authorities against Palestinians. In November 2014, the “Palestinian Prisoners Club” group issued a report stating that among the 600 children who were arrested in Jerusalem since June 2014, there were 40% of them were subjected to sexual assault by the occupation forces, which is equivalent to 240 children.

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What’s Happening in Prisons in Israel’s Apartheid?

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An open Letter to the Conscience of Israeli Society 

Phalapoem editor, 8/11/25


To the People of Israel,

We write to you not as enemies, but as those who believe in your capacity for moral courage and your right to a secure future. We urge you to look with clear eyes at the reality being documented by human rights organizations worldwide, including in Israel: a system of apartheid and oppression over the Palestinian people.

This is not mere political disagreement. It is a structure of laws and military power that ensures domination of one people over another. In the West Bank, two people live under two different legal systems: Israeli settlers enjoy civil rights under Israeli law, while Palestinians live under military law, facing detention without trial, land theft, and home demolitions. This is the definition of apartheid.

Your own leaders have warned you. Former Prime Ministers Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert, and former Mossad chief Tamir Pardo, have all stated that the ongoing occupation leads to an apartheid reality. To ignore these warnings is to gamble with the soul of your nation. A state cannot be both democratic and permanently rule over another people without rights.

The current path of violent raids, settlement expansion, and collective punishment guarantees only more bloodshed and moral decay. It destroys any chance for lasting peace and security.

We call on you to awaken. Demand your government:

1. End the violent military operations and the siege.

2. Halt and reverse all illegal settlement expansion.

3. Dismantle the system of separation and inequality.

4. Commit to a just peace based on equal rights for all.

The future can be different. It must be built on justice, not force. We appeal to you to choose that path.

In the name of our shared humanity,

Concerned Global Citizens

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AI in the NHS: Aidoc, Military Israeli Tech, and Ethical Questions

Phalapoem editor, 8/11/25


Aidoc, a leading medical AI company, is invading radiology departments across the NHS. Its software analyzes medical images, and has access to  confidential data across the UK. 

The company’s story is controversial. Elad Walach, Aidoc’s co-founder and CEO, served in one of the Israeli Occupation Forces’ elite programs, the Talpiot program one of Israel’s most controversial,   secretive and racially discriminative military-academic programs. 

For Palestinians, these technologies mean that daily life is often mediated by digital checkpoints, cameras, and data systems built from the same technical expertise that fuels Israel’s global tech success.

For the global community, it raises a difficult question: Can innovations born in apartheid system of brutal military control be ethically separated from their origins when repurposed for civilian uses, such as medical AI?

Walach led advanced AI and machine-vision projects during his military service.  Under his leadership, Aidoc has expanded globally, bringing its technology into hundreds of hospitals.

However, Aidoc’s presence in the NHS raises serious  ethical and privacy questions. As a private Israeli  based company based in Thai apartheid state , Aidoc processes sensitive medical data from British patients. Patient advocates and experts ask: how is this data managed, and what safeguards ensure it isn’t exposed beyond clinical use? What about its use in the ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza? 

The case of Aidoc highlights a broader debate: the balance between innovation in healthcare and ethical responsibility. AI can save lives and improve efficiency, but transparency, accountability, and strong governance remain critical—especially when patient data crosses borders and involves companies with military-linked leadership in an apartheid state that commits war crimes. 

Aidoc’s success underscores the need for public debate about privacy, ethics, war crimes and trust in the rapidly evolving world of healthcare technology.

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