Can a Nation Defeat Its Occupier While Being Weaker and Poorer?

Posted on December 9, 2025 by Admin

By Admin, 28/11/2024

Throughout history, numerous examples demonstrate that a nation’s ability to overcome its occupier does not solely depend on economic strength or military might. Instead, it often hinges on resilience, unity, strategy, and the determination to achieve freedom. While being weaker and poorer undoubtedly presents significant challenges, history proves that it is not an insurmountable obstacle.

The Role of Unity and Resilience

One of the most crucial factors in overcoming an occupier is national unity. When a population stands together with a shared vision of liberation, they can leverage their collective strength to resist even the most formidable opponents. Unity fosters resilience, a critical trait for enduring the prolonged struggles often associated with anti-occupation movements.

For example, Vietnam’s fight against French colonialism and later American intervention showcased the power of resilience and unity. Despite being vastly outmatched in terms of wealth and military technology, the Vietnamese employed guerilla tactics and maintained unyielding morale, ultimately driving out their occupiers.

Asymmetric Warfare: A Strategy for the Weak

Weaker nations have historically relied on asymmetric warfare to level the playing field against stronger occupiers. Guerrilla tactics, ambushes, and sabotage are methods that exploit the vulnerabilities of a larger and more conventional occupying force. Such strategies can prolong conflicts, drain the occupier’s resources, and erode their resolve.

The American Revolution is another notable example. The colonists, far less wealthy and militarily equipped than the British Empire, used unconventional tactics and leveraged their knowledge of local terrain to outmaneuver their occupiers. Support from external allies, such as France, also played a decisive role in tipping the balance of power.

The Importance of External Support

No struggle against occupation exists in isolation. Many weaker nations have succeeded in their quests for freedom by securing external support. This support can come in various forms, including financial aid, military assistance, or political pressure on the occupier.

For instance, the Afghan resistance against the Soviet Union in the 1980s benefited greatly from external support, particularly from the United States and other countries. This external aid provided the resources needed to sustain a prolonged conflict, eventually leading to the withdrawal of Soviet forces.

The Power of Morality and Public Opinion

In the modern era, the battle for global public opinion has become a powerful tool for weaker nations. Highlighting the moral injustices of occupation can galvanize international support and pressure occupiers to reconsider their actions. The Indian independence movement, led by Mahatma Gandhi, exemplifies this approach. Through nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience, India’s leaders exposed the moral bankruptcy of British colonial rule, eventually leading to independence.

Similarly, the Palestinian struggle has sought to leverage global public opinion to highlight the injustices of brutal, settler/colonial and genocidal israeli occupation. While the path to liberation remains fraught with challenges, international awareness continues to grow, creating new avenues for resistance against the Israeli apartheid.

Economic and Psychological Dimensions

While weaker nations may lack material wealth, they can still undermine occupiers economically and psychologically. Boycotts, strikes, and the disruption of supply chains can impose significant economic costs on occupiers. At the same time, sustained resistance can wear down the morale of occupying forces and their domestic support base.

The Algerian War of Independence against France demonstrates this dynamic. Despite limited resources, Algerians employed economic and psychological tactics alongside guerrilla warfare, ultimately forcing France to abandon its colonial ambitions.

Defeating an occupier while being weaker and poorer is a daunting challenge, but history shows it is far from impossible. Unity, resilience, strategic innovation, and the ability to garner external support are critical factors in leveling the playing field. Moreover, leveraging global public opinion and imposing economic and psychological costs can further erode the occupier’s power.

The road to liberation is never easy, and the sacrifices are immense. Yet, the enduring spirit of oppressed nations continues to demonstrate that freedom is a goal worth fighting for, regardless of the odds.

Posted in Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian history | Tagged | Leave a comment

My remarks at the Oxford Union debate

Posted on December 9, 2025 by Admin

By Susan Abullhawa , 30/11/2024

I will not take questions until I’m finished speaking; so please refrain from interrupting me.

Addressing the challenge of what to do about the indigenous inhabitants of the land Chaim Weizman, a Russian Jew, said to the World Zionist Congress in 1921 that Palestinians were akin to “the rocks of Judea, obstacles that had to be cleared on a difficult path.”

David Gruen, a Polish Jew, who changed his name to David Ben Gurion to sound relevant to the region, said. “We must expel Arabs and take their places”

There are thousands of such conversations among the early zionists who plotted and implemented the violent colonization of Palestine and the annihilation of her native people.

But they were only partially successful, murdering or ethnically cleansing 80% of Palestinians, which meant that 20% of us remained, an enduring obstacle to their colonial fantasies, which became the subject of their obsessions in the decades that followed, especially after conquering what remained of Palestine in 1967.

Zionists lamented our presence and they debated publicly in all circles—political, academic, social, cultural circles—regarding what do with us; what to do about the Palestinian birthrate, about our babies, which they dub a demographic threat.

Benny Morris, who was originally meant to be here, once expressed regret that Ben Gurion “did not finish the job” of getting rid of us all, which would have obviated what they refer to as the “Arab problem.”

Benjamin Netanyahu, a Polish Jew whose real name is Benjamin Mileikowsky, once bemoaned a missed opportunity during the 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising to expel large swaths of the Palestinian population “while world attention was focused on China.”

Some of their articulated solutions to the nuisance of our existence include a “break their bones” policy in the 80s and 90s, ordered by Yitzhak Rubitzov, Ukrainian Jew who changed his name to Yitzhak Rabin (for the same reasons).

That horrific policy that crippled generations of Palestinians did not succeed in making us leave. And frustrated by Palestinian resilience, a new discourse arose, especially after a massive natural gas field was discovered off the coast of Northern Gaza worth trillions of dollars.

This new discourse is echoed in the words of Colonel Efraim Eitan, who said in 2004, “we have to kill them all.”

Aaron Sofer, an Israeli so-called intellectual and political advisor, insisted in 2018 that “we have to kill and kill and kill. All day, every day.”

When I was in Gaza, I saw a little boy no more than 9 years whose hands and part of his face, had been blown off from a booby trapped can of food that soldiers had left behind for Gaza’s starving children. I later learned that they had also left poisoned food for people in Shujaiyya, and in the 1980s and 90s, Israeli soldiers had left booby trapped toys in southern Lebanon that exploded when excited children picked them up.

The harm they do is diabolical, and yet, they expect you to believe they are the victims. Invoking Europe’s holocaust and screaming antisemitism, they expect you to suspend fundamental human reason to believe that the daily sniping of children with so called “kill shots” and the bombing of entire neighborhoods that bury families alive and wipe out whole bloodlines is self-defense.

They want you to believe that a man who had not eaten a thing in over 72 hours, who kept fighting even when all he had was one functioning arm, that this man was motivated by some innate savagery and irrational hatred or jealousy of Jews, rather than the indominable yearning to see his people free in their own homeland.

It’s clear to me that we’re not here to debate whether Israel is an apartheid or genocidal state. This debate is ultimately about the worth of Palestinian lives; about the worth of our schools, research centers, books, art, and dreams; about the worth of the homes we worked all our lives to build and which contain the memories of generations; about the worth of our humanity and our agency; the worth of bodies and ambitions.

Because if the roles were reversed—if Palestinians had spent the last eight decade stealing Jewish homes, expelling, oppressing, imprisoning, poisoning, torturing, raping and killing them; if Palestinians had killed an estimated 300,000 Jews in one year, targeted their journalists, their thinkers, their healthcare workers, their athletes, their artists, bombed every Israeli hospital, university, library, museum, cultural center, synagogue, and simultaneously set up an observation platform where people came watch their slaughter as if a tourist attraction;

if Palestinians had corralled them by the hundreds of thousands into flimsy tents, bombed them in so called safe zones, burned them alive, cut off their food, water, and medicine;

if Palestinians made Jewish children wander barefoot with empty pots; made them gather the flesh of their parents into plastic bags; made them bury their siblings, cousins and friends; made them sneak out from their tents in the middle of the night to sleep on their parents’ graves; made them pray for death just to join their families and not be alone in this terrible world anymore, and terrorized them so utterly that their children lose their hair, lose their memory, lose their minds, and made those as young as 4 and 5 year old were die of heart attacks;

if we mercilessly forced their NICU babies to die, alone in hospital beds, crying until they could cry no more, died and decomposed in the same spot;

if Palestinians used wheat flour aid trucks to lure starving jews, then opened fire on them when they gathered to collect a day’s bread; if Palestinians finally allowed a food delivery into a shelter with hungry Jews, then set fire to the entire shelter and aid truck before anyone could taste the food;

if a Palestinian sniper bragged about blowing out 42 Jewish kneecaps in one day as one Israeli soldier did in 2019; if a Palestinian admitted to CNN that he ran over hundreds of Jews with his tank, their squished flesh lingering in the tank treads;

if Palestinians were systematically raping Jewish doctors, patients, and other captives with hot metal rods, jagged and electrified sticks, and fire extinguishers, sometimes raping to death, as happened with Dr Adnan alBursh and others;

if Jewish women were forced to give birth in filth, get C-sections or leg amputations without anesthesia; if we destroyed their children then decorated our tanks with their toys; if we killed or displaced their women then posed with their lingerie…

if the world were watching the livestreamed systematic annihilation of Jews in real time, there would be no debating whether that constituted terrorism or genocide.

And yet two Palestinians—myself and Mohammad el-Kurd— showed up here to do just that, enduring the indignity of debating those who think our only life choices should be to leave our homeland, submit to their supremacy, or die politely and quietly.

But you would be wrong to think that I came to convince you of anything. Thehouse resolution, though well-meaning and appreciated, is of little consequence in the midst of this holocaust of our time.

I came in the spirit of Malcolm X and Jimmy Baldwin, both of whom stood here and in Cambridge before I was born, facing finely dressed well-spoken monsters who harbored the same supremacist ideologies as Zionism—these notions of entitlement and privilege, of being divinely favored, blessed, or chosen.

I’m here for the sake of history. To speak to generations not yet born and for the chronicles of this extraordinary time where the carpet bombing of defenseless indigenous societies is legitimized.

I’m here for my grandmothers, both of whom died as penniless refugees while foreign Jews lived in their stolen homes.

And I also came to speak directly to zionists here and everywhere.

We let you into our homes when your own countries tried to murder you and everyone else turned you away. We fed, clothed, gave you shelter, and we shared the bounty of our land with you, and when the time was ripe, you kicked us out of our own homes and homeland, then you killed and robbed and burned and looted our lives.

You carved out our hearts because it is clear you do not know how to live in the world without dominating others.

You have crossed all lines and nurtured the most vile of human impulses, but the world is finally glimpsing the terror we have endured at your hands for so long, and they are seeing the reality of who you are, who you’ve always been. They watch in utter astonishment the sadism, the glee, the joy, and pleasure with which you conduct, watch, and cheer the daily details of breaking our bodies, our minds, our future, our past.

But no matter what happens from here, no matter what fairytales you tell yourself and tell the world, you will never truly belong to that land. You will never understand the sacredness of the olives trees, which you’ve been cutting down and burning for decades just to spite us and to break our hearts a little more. No one native to that land would dare do such a thing to the olives. No one who belongs to that region would ever bomb or destroy such ancient heritage as Baalbak or Bittir, or destroy ancient cemeteries as you destroy ours, like the Anglican cemetery in Jerusalem or the resting place of ancient Muslim scholars and warriors in Maamanillah. Those who come from that land do not desecrate the dead; that’s why my family for centuries were the caretakers of the Jewish cemetery in the mount of olives, as labors of faith and care for what we know is part of our ancestry and story.

Your ancestors will always be buried in your actual homelands of Poland, Ukraine, and elsewhere around the world from whence you came. The mythos and folklore of the land will always be alien to you.

You will never be literate in the sartorial language of the thobes we wear, that sprang from the land through our foremothers over centuries—every motif, design, and pattern speaking to the secrets of local lore, flora, birds, rivers, and wildlife.

What your realestate agents call in their high-priced listings “old Arab home” will always hold in their stones the stories and memories of our ancestors who built them. The ancient photos and paintings of the land will never contain you.

You will never know how it feels to be loved and supported by those who have nothing to gain from you, and in fact, everything to lose. You will never know the feeling of masses all over the world pouring into the streets and stadiums to chant and sing for your freedom; and it is not because you are Jewish, as you try to make the world believe, but because you are depraved violent colonizers who think your Jewishness entitles you to the home my grandfather and his brothers built with their own hands on lands that had been in our family for centuries. It is because Zionism is a blight onto Judaism and indeed onto humanity.

You can change your names to sound more relevant to the region and you can pretend falafel and hummus and zaatar are your ancient cuisines, but in the recesses of your being, you will always feel the sting of this epic forgery and theft, that’s why even the drawings of our children pasted hung on walls at the UN or in a hospital ward send your leaders and lawyers into hysteric meltdowns.

You will not erase us, no matter how many of us you kill and kill and kill, all day every day. We are not the rocks Chaim Weizmann thought you could clear from the land. We are its very soil. We are her rivers and her trees and her stories, because all of that was nurtured by our bodies and our lives over millennia of continuous, uninterrupted habitation of that patch of earth between the Jordan and Mediterranean waters, from our Canaanite, our Hebrew, our Philistine, and our Phoenician ancestors, to every conqueror or pilgrim who came and went, who married or raped, loved, enslaved, converted between religions, settled or prayed in our land, leaving pieces of themselves in our bodies and our heritage. The fabled, tumultuous stories of that land are quite literally in our DNA. You cannot kill or propagandize that away, no matter what death technology you use or what Hollywood and corporate media arsenals you deploy.

Someday, your impunity and arrogance will end. Palestine will be free; she will be restored to her multi-religious, multi-ethnic pluralistic glory; we will restore and expand the trains that run from Cairo to Gaza to Jerusalem, Haifa, Tripoli, Beirut, Damascus, Amman, Kuwait, Sanaa, and so on; we will put an end to the zionist American war machine of domination, expansion, extraction, pollution, and looting.

..and you will either leave, or you will finally learn to live with others as equals.

Posted in Palestinian diaspora, Susan Abullhawa, UK | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Situation in the State of Palestine: ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I rejects the State of Israel’s challenges to jurisdiction and issues warrants of arrest for Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant

Posted on December 9, 2025 by Admin

Source, 21/11/2024

Today, on 21 November 2024, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (‘Court’), in its composition for the Situation in the State of Palestine, unanimously issued two decisions rejecting challenges by the State of Israel (‘Israel’) brought under articles 18 and 19 of the Rome Statute (the ‘Statute’). It also issued warrants of arrest for Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant.

Decisions on requests by the State of Israel

The Chamber ruled on two requests submitted by the Israel on 26 September 2024. In the first request, Israel challenged the Court’s jurisdiction over the Situation in the State of Palestine in general, and over Israeli nationals more specifically, on the basis of article 19(2) of the Statute. In the second request, Israel requested that the Chamber order the Prosecution to provide a new notification of the initiation of an investigation to its authorities under article 18(1) of the Statute. Israel also requested the Chamber to halt any proceedings before the Court in the relevant situation, including the consideration of the applications for warrants of arrest for Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant, submitted by the Prosecution on 20 May 2024.

As to the first challenge, the Chamber noted that the acceptance by Israel of the Court’s jurisdiction is not required, as the Court can exercise its jurisdiction on the basis of territorial jurisdiction of Palestine, as determined by Pre-Trial Chamber I in a previous composition. Furthermore, the Chamber considered that pursuant to article 19(1) of the Statute, States are not entitled to challenge the Court’s jurisdiction under article 19(2) prior to the issuance of a warrant of arrest. Thus Israel’s challenge is premature. This is without prejudice to any future possible challenges to the Court’s jurisdiction and/or admissibility of any particular case.

Decision on Israel’s challenge to the jurisdiction of the Court pursuant to article 19(2) of the Rome Statute

The Chamber also rejected Israel’s request under article 18(1) of the Statute. The Chamber recalled that the Prosecution notified Israel of the initiation of an investigation in 2021. At that time, despite a clarification request by the Prosecution, Israel elected not to pursue any request for deferral of the investigation. Further, the Chamber considered that the parameters of the investigation in the situation have remained the same and, as a consequence, no new notification to the State of Israel was required. In light of this, the judges found that there was no reason to halt the consideration of the applications for warrants of arrest.

Decision on Israel’s request for an order to the Prosecution to give an Article 18(1) notice

Warrants of arrest

The Chamber issued warrants of arrest for two individuals, Mr Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr Yoav Gallant, for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from at least 8 October 2023 until at least 20 May 2024, the day the Prosecution filed the applications for warrants of arrest.

The arrest warrants are classified as ‘secret’, in order to protect witnesses and to safeguard the conduct of the investigations. However, the Chamber decided to release the information below since conduct similar to that addressed in the warrant of arrest appears to be ongoing. Moreover, the Chamber considers it to be in the interest of victims and their families that they are made aware of the warrants’ existence.

At the outset, the Chamber considered that the alleged conduct of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant falls within the jurisdiction of the Court. The Chamber recalled that, in a previous composition, it already decided that the Court’s jurisdiction in the situation extended to Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Furthermore, the Chamber declined to use its discretionary proprio motu powers to determine the admissibility of the two cases at this stage. This is without prejudice to any determination as to the jurisdiction and admissibility of the cases at a later stage.

With regard to the crimes, the Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu, born on 21 October 1949, Prime Minister of Israel at the time of the relevant conduct, and Mr Gallant, born on 8 November 1958, Minister of Defence of Israel at the time of the alleged conduct, each bear criminal responsibility for the following crimes as co-perpetrators for committing the acts jointly with others: the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts.

The Chamber also found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant each bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing an attack against the civilian population.

Alleged crimes

The Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that during the relevant time, international humanitarian law related to international armed conflict between Israel and Palestine applied. This is because they are two High Contracting Parties to the 1949 Geneva Conventions and because Israel occupies at least parts of Palestine. The Chamber also found that the law related to non-international armed conflict applied to the fighting between Israel and Hamas. The Chamber found that the alleged conduct of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant concerned the activities of Israeli government bodies and the armed forces against the civilian population in Palestine, more specifically civilians in Gaza. It therefore concerned the relationship between two parties to an international armed conflict, as well as the relationship between an occupying power and the population in occupied territory. For these reasons, with regards to war crimes, the Chamber found it appropriate to issue the arrest warrants pursuant to the law of international armed conflict. The Chamber also found that the alleged crimes against humanity were part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population of Gaza.

The Chamber considered that there are reasonable grounds to believe that both individuals intentionally and knowingly deprived the civilian population in Gaza of objects indispensable to their survival, including food, water, and medicine and medical supplies, as well as fuel and electricity, from at least 8 October 2023 to 20 May 2024. This finding is based on the role of Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant in impeding humanitarian aid in violation of international humanitarian law and their failure to facilitate relief by all means at its disposal. The Chamber found that their conduct led to the disruption of the ability of humanitarian organisations to provide food and other essential goods to the population in need in Gaza. The aforementioned restrictions together with cutting off electricity and reducing fuel supply also had a severe impact on the availability of water in Gaza and the ability of hospitals to provide medical care.

The Chamber also noted that decisions allowing or increasing humanitarian assistance into Gaza were often conditional. They were not made to fulfil Israel’s obligations under international humanitarian law or to ensure that the civilian population in Gaza would be adequately supplied with goods in need. In fact, they were a response to the pressure of the international community or requests by the United States of America. In any event, the increases in humanitarian assistance were not sufficient to improve the population’s access to essential goods.

Furthermore, the Chamber found reasonable grounds to believe that no clear military need or other justification under international humanitarian law could be identified for the restrictions placed on access for humanitarian relief operations. Despite warnings and appeals made by, inter alia, the UN Security Council, UN Secretary General, States, and governmental and civil society organisations about the humanitarian situation in Gaza, only minimal humanitarian assistance was authorised. In this regard, the Chamber considered the prolonged period of deprivation and Mr Netanyahu’s statement connecting the halt in the essential goods and humanitarian aid with the goals of war.

The Chamber therefore found reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant bear criminal responsibility for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.

The Chamber found that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the lack of food, water, electricity and fuel, and specific medical supplies, created conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of the civilian population in Gaza, which resulted in the death of civilians, including children due to malnutrition and dehydration. On the basis of material presented by the Prosecution covering the period until 20 May 2024, the Chamber could not determine that all elements of the crime against humanity of extermination were met. However, the Chamber did find that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the crime against humanity of murder was committed in relation to these victims.

In addition, by intentionally limiting or preventing medical supplies and medicine from getting into Gaza, in particular anaesthetics and anaesthesia machines, the two individuals are also responsible for inflicting great suffering by means of inhumane acts on persons in need of treatment. Doctors were forced to operate on wounded persons and carry out amputations, including on children, without anaesthetics, and/or were forced to use inadequate and unsafe means to sedate patients, causing these persons extreme pain and suffering. This amounts to the crime against humanity of other inhumane acts.

The Chamber also found reasonable grounds to believe that the abovementioned conduct deprived a significant portion of the civilian population in Gaza of their fundamental rights, including the rights to life and health, and that the population was targeted based on political and/or national grounds. It therefore found that the crime against humanity of persecution was committed.

Finally, the Chamber assessed that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population of Gaza. In this regard, the Chamber found that the material provided by the Prosecution only allowed it to make findings on two incidents that qualified as attacks that were intentionally directed against civilians. Reasonable grounds to believe exist that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant, despite having measures available to them to prevent or repress the commission of crimes or ensure the submittal of the matter to the competent authorities, failed to do so.

Background

On 1 January 2015, The State of Palestine lodged a declaration under article 12(3) of the Rome Statute accepting jurisdiction of the Court since 13 June 2014.

On 2 January 2015, The State of Palestine acceded to the Rome Statute by depositing its instrument of accession with the UN Secretary-General. The Rome Statute entered into force for The State of Palestine on 1 April 2015.

On 22 May 2018, pursuant to articles 13(a) and 14 of the Rome Statute, The State of Palestine referred to the Prosecutor the Situation since 13 June 2014, with no end date. 

On 3 March 2021, the Prosecutor announced the opening of the investigation into the Situation in the State of Palestine. This followed Pre-Trial Chamber I’s decision on 5 February 2021 that the Court could exercise its criminal jurisdiction in the Situation and, by majority, that the territorial scope of this jurisdiction extends to Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. 

On 17 November 2023, the Office of the Prosecutor received a further referral of the Situation in the State of Palestine, from South Africa, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Comoros, and Djibouti, and on 18 January 2024, the Republic of Chile and the United Mexican State additionally submitted a referral to the Prosecutor with respect to the situation in The State of Palestine.

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AIPAC and Its Influence on American Politics

Posted on December 8, 2025 by Admin

By Admin, 27/11/2024

Don’t miss this one

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is one of the most powerful lobbying organizations in the United States, known for its unwavering support of Israel and its influence on American politics. Founded in 1951, AIPAC’s stated mission is to strengthen, protect, and promote the U.S.-Israel relationship. While it has achieved significant success in shaping U.S. foreign policy in favor of Israel, AIPAC’s role in American politics has sparked intense debate, with critics arguing that its influence undermines U.S. sovereignty and distorts democratic processes.

The Reach of AIPAC

AIPAC’s power lies in its ability to mobilize resources, influence legislation, and shape public opinion. The organization works tirelessly to lobby members of Congress, regardless of party affiliation, ensuring broad bipartisan support for policies that align with its goals. It hosts an annual policy conference that draws thousands of attendees, including prominent politicians, business leaders, and activists. This event often serves as a platform for showcasing unwavering U.S. commitment to Israel despite holding apartheid status.

AIPAC also channels significant financial support to political campaigns through affiliated Political Action Committees (PACs) and donor networks. While AIPAC itself does not directly donate to candidates, its recommendations and endorsements carry considerable weight, influencing the flow of campaign contributions from pro-Israel donors.

Legislative Influence

AIPAC has successfully advocated for legislation that strengthens U.S.-Israel ties, including military aid packages, defense cooperation agreements, and trade partnerships. For instance, it played a pivotal role in securing the 2016 Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. and Israel, which committed $38 billion in military aid over ten years. AIPAC has also been instrumental in shaping U.S. policy toward the Middle East, particularly in countering perceived threats from Iran as they did with Iraq which resulted in a distastrous western   war against the Iraqis for unfounded claims.m and led to the slaughter of more than million Iraqis.  

AIPAC’s illegal influence as a foreign organisation  extends beyond fostering bilateral relations. They contend that the organisation threatens and bullies  the lawmakers to adopt policies that do not align with broader U.S. interests. For example, AIPAC has been a vocal opponent of the Iran nuclear deal, lobbying Congress to impose stricter sanctions and take a hardline stance that some believe could escalate tensions in the region. It also strongly  supports  the ongoing genocide and starvation that  Israel is still carrying out in Gaza and Lebanon.  

Controversies and Criticism

AIPAC’s shameless  interference  in American politics has not been without  controversy. Critics from across the political spectrum have raised concerns about the organisation influence on U.S. foreign policy. It’s obvious that AIPAC’s lobbying efforts prioritise Israeli interests over American ones, undermining the principle of an independent U.S. foreign policy to serve far right Israeli interests and Israeli terrorist settlers.

AIPAC has also faced allegations of stifling debate on U.S.-Israel relations. Politicians and public figures who voice criticism of Israeli policies risk being labeled as anti-Semitic, creating a chilling effect on open discourse and discussion which limits freedom of specach and this is considered to be against the American constitution.  This dirty game  was highlighted in high-profile cases involving members of Congress who challenged AIPAC’s agenda and faced significant political backlash.

The debate over AIPAC’s influence reflects broader concerns about the role of lobbying in American politics. Critics argue that AIPAC exemplifies how well-funded interest groups can disproportionately shape policy, often at the expense of broader public opinion. to serve an apartheid entity that has been oppressing the indigenous people of Palestine  for decades.  

The question of how to balance lobbying influence with democratic accountability remains central to the discussion about AIPAC’s role in American politics. Transparency and open debate are essential to ensure that U.S. policies serve the national interest while respecting the diverse perspectives of its citizens. AIPAC support of illegal Israeli occupation should be condemned and banned.  

As AIPAC continues to wield significant power, its illegal activities will likely remain a focal point in discussions about the intersection of foreign policy, lobbying , and ‘democracy’ in the United States.

Watch

Posted in American Congressmen Terrorists, Palestinian art & culture, USA | Tagged | Leave a comment

Thanksgiving for Gaza

Posted on December 8, 2025 by Admin

By Admin, 29/11/2024




In Gaza’s ruins, beneath the sky,
Where genocide and dreams collide,
Fourteen months of blood and stone,
You stand, unbroken, though alone.

Under occupation’s brutal chain,
Starved and silenced, yet you remain.
The world averts its guilty eyes,
But you expose its hollow lies.

Through endless grief, through crushing night,
You fight for freedom, claim the right.
To Gaza’s courage, thanks we give,
For proving resistance is to live.
Posted in Gaza, Palestinian art & culture | Tagged | Leave a comment

The Ten Mythologies of Israel

Posted on December 8, 2025 by Admin

Astromystic, 8/12/25

Ilan Pappé’s The Ten Mythologies of Israel identifies ten foundational myths that distort the historical narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, shielding Israel’s colonization, occupation, and violence from moral scrutiny. These myths, widely accepted in Western media and political discourse, serve to justify Israeli actions and delegitimize Palestinian resistance.

These myths, Pappé concludes, are not merely historical errors—they are tools of moral and political manipulation that sustain oppression and prevent justice. Challenging them, he insists, is not anti-Semitic but essential for universal human rights and peace.

Myth 1 falsely claims Palestine was “land without people,” erasing its vibrant Arab society under Ottoman rule. The myth’s second half, that Jews were “people without land,” is less critical but still used to justify dispossession.

Myth 2 falsely portrays early Palestinian resistance as “anti-Semitic terror,” ignoring that settlers were initially welcomed and resistance emerged only after colonial intent became clear.

Myth 3 falsely blames Palestinians for their displacement in 1948, claiming they rejected the UN Partition Plan or fled voluntarily. Pappé reveals these myths ignore the colonial nature of Zionism and the fact that half of refugees were expelled before the war began. He also debunks the “David vs. Goliath” myth and the claim that Israel extended peace offers—instead, Israel assassinated mediators and rejected peace initiatives.

Myth 4 falsely depicts pre-1967 Israel as a benign democracy, ignoring that Palestinian citizens were subjected to military rule, and Israel actively supported Arab regimes’ overthrow.

Myth 5 falsely labels Palestinian resistance as “terrorism,” ignoring its anti-colonial character and the global bias against Muslim-led liberation movements.

Myth 6 falsely claims Israel was forced into 1967 occupation and must hold territory until peace is achieved. Pappé shows Israel planned to annex the West Bank since 1948, and 1967 was the culmination of that plan.

Myth 7 falsely portrays Israel’s occupation as benevolent, with violence as a response to Palestinian resistance. In reality, Israel used collective punishment, denied rights, and unilaterally annexed territory.

Myth 8 falsely portrays Oslo as a genuine peace process. Pappé argues it was a Zionist strategy to partition Palestine into a fragmented “Bantustan,” excluding refugees and denying sovereignty.

Myth 9 falsely claims the Second Intifada (2000-2005) was a terrorist plot by Arafat. In truth, it was a popular uprising against Oslo’s betrayal, crushed violently by Israel, forcing Palestinians into more desperate resistance.

Myth 10 falsely claims the “two-state solution” is imminent. Pappé argues it’s a Zionist illusion designed to maintain Israeli control over the West Bank while excluding Palestinians’ rights to return, equality, and Jerusalem.

Posted in Astromystic, Illegal Israeli settlements in Palestine, News from the apartheid, Palestinian art & culture, Palestinian history | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Big Tech’s complicity in genocide: The unforgivable silence of online platforms

Posted on December 7, 2025 by Admin

By Ziyad Motala, 23 September 2024

Source

MOUNTAIN VIEW, CALIFORNIA, UNITED STATES – MARCH 23: A view of Google Headquarters in Mountain View, California, United States on March 23, 2024. ( Tayfun Coşkun – Anadolu Agency )

A damning report, “Palestinian Digital Rights, Genocide, and Big Tech Accountability”, by 7amleh, a Palestinian-led non-profit organisation that is focused on protecting the human rights of Palestinians, has laid bare the disturbing and active role that major online platforms and big tech companies play in perpetuating human rights abuses against Palestinians. While the world watches the horrors unfold in Gaza, the role of these digital accomplices cannot be ignored. The report highlights that platforms like Meta, X, YouTube and tech giants Google and Amazon have enabled, facilitated and even profited from these atrocities, effectively shielding war crimes under a digital smokescreen.

The findings are a harrowing indictment of how big tech companies, under the guise of neutrality, have become active participants in censorship, disinformation and incitement to violence. They have provided crucial infrastructure that underpins Israel’s military actions, allowing their platforms to be weaponised, silencing Palestinian voices while amplifying hate speech and calls for genocide. The complicity of these platforms is not a mere oversight; it is an entrenched system of deliberate decision-making that prioritises profits over human rights.

Systematic censorship of Palestinian voices

At the heart of the report’s findings is a shocking pattern of systematic censorship targeting Palestinian voices. Between October 2023 and July 2024, over 1,350 instances of censorship were documented on major platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, X and TikTok. These platforms disproportionately targeted Palestinian journalists, activists and human rights defenders, with Meta’s platforms being among the worst offenders. The censorship took many forms: accounts were suspended, content takedowns became routine and distribution of pro-Palestinian narratives was heavily restricted.

READ: Israel accused of using Google ads to undermine UN body

Meta’s manipulative algorithm changes played a key role in this censorship. The report reveals that during the ongoing war in Gaza, Meta altered its content moderation policies to lower the threshold for flagging Palestinian content, reducing the accuracy of its filters and triggering unnecessary takedowns. For Palestinian content, Meta’s filters operated with a mere 25 per cent certainty of a violation, compared to the usual 80 per cent applied elsewhere. These so-called “temporary risk response measures” were never lifted, allowing for an outsized level of scrutiny on Palestinian content creators. This is not an isolated incident – it’s a calculated, discriminatory policy that silences marginalised voices and hinders the free flow of information at a time when it’s needed the most.

As 7amleh’s report highlights, Meta’s broken promises to safeguard free speech, coupled with its biased content moderation, exacerbated the situation for Palestinians. Human Rights Watch had already condemned Meta for its systemic censorship of Palestinian voices during the war, with over 1,050 instances of content removal on Facebook and Instagram. In nearly all cases, this censorship targeted peaceful, pro-Palestinian content while allowing violent, anti-Palestinian content to flourish unchecked. Comments like “Free Palestine”, “Stop the Genocide” and “Ceasefire Now” were removed under Meta’s spam guidelines, reflecting a dangerous double standard that stifles legitimate political discourse.

Platforms as instruments of genocide

The report makes clear that online platforms are not simply neutral forums but have become instruments of incitement to genocide. Between October 2023 and July 2024, over 3,300 instances of harmful content – including incitement to genocide – were documented, the majority on X and Facebook. These platforms allowed high-level Israeli officials and other users to openly call for the extermination of Palestinians, dehumanising them as “sub-humans”, “animals” and worse. This genocidal rhetoric wasn’t limited to obscure corners of the internet. It was promoted, amplified and left unchallenged by the very platforms that claim to be committed to community standards and human rights.

For instance, on X, a December 2023 post by the deputy mayor of Jerusalem described blindfolded Palestinian detainees as “ants” and called for burying them alive. Although this specific post was eventually removed, countless others like it remain, fuelling a climate of violence and dehumanisation against Palestinians. This failure to combat hate speech directly contravenes international law, particularly in light of the International Court of Justice’s January 2024 order, which directed Israel to prevent and punish incitement to genocide.

These platforms are not just failing in their duty to protect free speech; they are actively facilitating the spread of genocidal propaganda. In the case of Meta, the report details how over 9,500 takedown requests from the Israeli government were sent to Meta between October and November 2023, with a shocking 94 per cent compliance rate. This high level of cooperation with a state actively committing war crimes raises serious concerns about the ethical boundaries of these companies. Meta’s decision to comply with such requests without transparency or accountability reveals a deeper issue: these platforms are willing to become tools of state oppression when the price is right.

READ: Israel using Meta’s WhatsApp to kill Palestinians in Gaza through AI system

The role of Big Tech: Project Nimbus and the automation of killing

Beyond the sphere of social media, Google and Amazon’s collaboration with the Israeli military under Project Nimbus casts an even darker shadow over the tech industry’s role in this conflict. The $1.2 billion cloud computing contract, as the report highlights, provides critical infrastructure to power Israel’s AI-driven Lavender and Gospel targeting systems – systems that are directly linked to the mass civilian casualties in Gaza.

The Lavender system, in particular, functions as a tool for automated killings, identifying targets based on massive data inputs and feeding them into the Israeli military’s bombing campaigns. The report describes how Lavender alone identified over 37,000 potential targets, contributing to the deaths of thousands of civilians, including women and children. By providing cloud services to facilitate this mass-scale targeting, Google and Amazon are directly implicated in these violations of international law. Despite mounting global pressure, both companies continue to support Israel’s military operations under Project Nimbus, even as the civilian death toll in Gaza rises.

Hate speech and disinformation: A coordinated assault on truth

The report goes on to document a deluge of hate speech and disinformation campaigns, often spearheaded by Israeli officials and amplified by online platforms. These campaigns, which include the systematic dissemination of dehumanising content on Telegram, X and YouTube, have targeted Palestinians both inside Gaza and across the diaspora. The report cites three million instances of violent content in Hebrew aimed at Palestinians on X alone, much of it coordinated by Israeli state actors.

Perhaps most troubling is the Israeli government’s influence operation known as STOIC, which ran a disinformation campaign targeting US and Canadian lawmakers to undermine the work of The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). This campaign, orchestrated with the help of AI, spread false narratives that led to the defunding of UNRWA, cutting off critical humanitarian aid to Palestinians. This is not merely a failure of moderation but an example of how platforms can be weaponised for state-driven disinformation, with devastating consequences for innocent civilians.

Profiting from genocide: Advertising amidst war crimes

As if censorship and disinformation weren’t enough, the report also exposes how platforms like Facebook have profited from harmful advertisements promoting violence against Palestinians. The investigation found that Facebook ran ads calling for the assassination of pro-Palestinian activists and the forced expulsion of Palestinians from the West Bank. Meta profited from these campaigns, further entrenching its complicity in the human rights violations unfolding in Gaza.

READ: Google, Amazon workers protest billion-dollar contract with Israel

Meanwhile, YouTube ran ads from the Israeli government that used graphic imagery to sway public opinion in favour of its military actions in Gaza. Despite YouTube’s policies against violent content, these ads flooded social media with incendiary narratives, particularly in Europe and the US, contributing to the normalisation of war crimes under the guise of counter-terrorism.

Time for accountability

The findings of this report should compel the international community to act. It is no longer acceptable for tech companies to hide behind vague policies and empty commitments to free speech while facilitating the mass killing and silencing of a besieged population. The complicity of Meta, X, YouTube, Google and Amazon in these atrocities must be brought into the spotlight and held accountable for their role in enabling these crimes.

These platforms are not neutral arbiters of truth – they are corporations driven by profit, willing to accommodate genocidal regimes and turn a blind eye to the suffering of millions if it serves their bottom line. As the report makes clear, it is time for the world to demand that these companies stop profiting from the destruction of Palestinian lives. The silence and complicity of big tech are unforgivable, and they must not be allowed to escape responsibility any longer.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor

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The Sweet Taste of Resilience: Palestinian Dates

Posted on December 6, 2025 by Admin

By Phalapoem editor, 4/12/2024

Palestinian dates are more than just a sweet and nutritious fruit; they are a symbol of resilience, culture, and identity. Grown in the fertile lands of the Jordan Valley and along the edges of Palestine’s rich agricultural plains, Palestinian dates have become a vital part of the local economy and an enduring emblem of Palestinian heritage.

The Pride of Palestinian Agriculture

Among the most prized varieties of dates grown in Palestine are the Medjool dates, often referred to as the “king of dates” due to their large size, rich caramel-like flavor, and soft, chewy texture. These dates are cultivated using traditional methods passed down through generations, reflecting the deep connection of Palestinian farmers to their land.

Palestinian dates thrive in an ideal climate, with abundant sunshine and natural irrigation from the Jordan River. These factors contribute to their exceptional quality, making them highly sought after in international markets. Despite the challenges posed by limited access to resources and the impacts of occupation, Palestinian farmers have persevered, ensuring that their dates maintain their world-class reputation.

Cultural and Economic Significance

For Palestinians, dates are more than a crop—they hold cultural and spiritual significance. Traditionally served during Ramadan to break the fast, dates symbolize sustenance and community. They are also used in countless recipes, from sweet desserts like ma’amoul (date-filled pastries) to energy-packed snacks enjoyed year-round.

Economically, the cultivation and export of dates provide a crucial source of income for Palestinian families and communities. However, the industry faces significant obstacles, including restrictions on land access and the challenges of competing in international markets. Despite these hurdles, Palestinian dates have carved out a niche as a product of both quality and purpose.

A Symbol of Resistance

Buying Palestinian dates is not just a culinary choice; it is also an act of solidarity. By choosing Palestinian-grown dates, consumers around the world support farmers who continue to cultivate their lands against all odds. These purchases contribute to sustaining livelihoods, preserving agricultural traditions, and strengthening the Palestinian economy.

Taste the Story

Palestinian dates are a reminder of the resilience, determination, and creativity of the people who grow them. Whether enjoyed on their own, paired with nuts, or incorporated into recipes, each bite carries the story of a land and its people.

The next time you reach for a box of Medjool dates, consider choosing Palestinian dates—not just for their flavor but for the meaningful impact they represent. Supporting Palestinian agriculture helps ensure that this symbol of heritage and perseverance continues to thrive.

Let the sweetness of Palestinian dates remind us all of the strength and beauty of a people deeply rooted in their land.

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Posted on December 6, 2025 by Admin
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Exploring the Complexity and Uniqueness of Racism

Posted on December 5, 2025 by Admin

Racism is universally condemned, but antisemitism “uniqueness” debate has become sterile and constitutes an “intellectual terrorism”. The question is why? Does suffering from  racism have universal or unique feelings? 

In contemporary society, racism remains a pervasive and deeply ingrained issue that continues to shape individual experiences, societal structures, and global dynamics. While the concept of racism is widely acknowledged, its uniqueness lies in its multifaceted nature, encompassing historical, cultural, institutional, and individual dimensions. Understanding the complexity of racism requires a nuanced examination of its various manifestations and impacts across different contexts.

One distinctive aspect of racism is its historical roots, which span centuries and have influenced the development of societies worldwide. From colonialism and slavery to apartheid, theft of land,  illegal settlements and segregation, the legacies of these oppressive systems continue to shape social hierarchies, power dynamics, and intergroup relations. The enduring effects of historical injustices underscore the interconnectedness of past and present forms of racism, highlighting the need for acknowledgment, reconciliation, and reparative actions to achieve freedom, justice and peace. 

Furthermore, racism manifests differently across diverse cultural, ethnic, and national contexts, reflecting unique historical, political, and social dynamics. While overt forms of racism, such as explicit discrimination and hate crimes, are widely condemned, subtler manifestations persist in the form of systemic inequalities, microaggressions, and unconscious biases. These covert expressions of racism often perpetuate structural barriers and reinforce existing power imbalances, making them challenging to identify and address.

Moreover, racism operates at both the institutional and individual levels, influencing policies, practices, and attitudes within various social institutions. Institutions such as education, healthcare, criminal justice, and employment often reflect and perpetuate racial disparities, resulting in unequal access to opportunities, resources, and services for marginalized groups. Concurrently, individual attitudes and beliefs about race shape interpersonal interactions, perceptions, and behaviors, contributing to the reproduction of racial stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination.

The uniqueness of racism also lies in its intersectionality, as it intersects with other forms of oppression, including sexism, classism, ableism, and homophobia. Individuals who belong to multiple marginalized groups often experience compounded forms of discrimination, amplifying their vulnerability and limiting their access to social, economic, and political opportunities. Intersectional approaches to combating racism recognize the interconnected nature of oppression and advocate for inclusive strategies that address the intersecting dimensions of identity and inequality.

In confronting the uniqueness of racism, efforts to dismantle systemic racism require a comprehensive and multifaceted approach that addresses its root causes, structural dynamics, and intersecting inequalities. This includes implementing anti-racist policies, promoting diversity and inclusion, fostering intercultural understanding, and challenging institutionalized forms of discrimination and above all ending oppression, theft and occupation of others’ land.

Additionally, fostering empathy, allyship, and solidarity across racial and ethnic lines is essential for building collective resistance against racism and advancing social justice. 

Recognizing the uniqueness of racism requires acknowledging its complexity, diversity, and enduring impact on individuals, communities, and societies. By confronting racism in all its forms and dimensions, we can work towards creating a more equitable, inclusive, and just world for all future generations without exemption. 

On the hand, the exploitation of the concept of the “uniqueness of racism” by certain groups to perpetuate discrimination against other minorities is often regarded as a form of bullying and intellectual terrorism. This manipulation can lead to the intimidation of individuals, risking their employment and stifling their ability to speak out against apartheid, discrimination, injustice, and the fight for freedom.


Discussing the truth about Israeli atrocities in Gaza should be welcomed, respected, and supported as a means to aid the oppressed and hold perpetrators of genocide accountable. Exposing these truths should not be met with punishment or labeled as antisemitism or extremism.

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