”Palestine is like a fishbowl”

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The Crimes Against Humanity in the Israeli Apartheid System

The Israeli authorities systematically restrict Palestinians’ basic rights, including citizenship, movement, and residence, resulting in widespread discrimination. These measures, grounded in ethnic identity, limit political, social, economic, and cultural participation, and violate fundamental freedoms. Such policies amount to crimes against humanity, particularly ‘persecution’ and ‘deprivation of human freedoms,’ as defined by the Rome Statute and Apartheid Convention.

Systematic Dispossession, Discrimination, and the Pursuit of Demographic Dominance

Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has consistently pursued policies that favor Jewish Israelis at the expense of Palestinian rights. This intentional dispossession involves territorial control, demographic manipulation, and discriminatory laws. Israel’s expansion beyond the Green Line to the West Bank and Gaza Strip, coupled with the exclusion of Palestinian refugees, reflects a systematic effort to establish and maintain Jewish demographic dominance. Israeli laws grant privileged status to Jewish citizens, while Palestinians face discrimination based on ethnocentric views. The classification of Palestinians with Israeli citizenship as “Arab citizens of Israel” further perpetuates inequality. The Nation State Law of 2018 solidifies Israel as a Jewish state, limiting the right to self-determination to the Jewish people.

The Israeli government, through statements and actions, reveals its intent to dominate and control Palestinians. Discriminatory policies on land, housing, and planning, along with restrictions on economic and social rights, aim to force Palestinians out of their territories. The persistent denial of the right of return to Palestinian refugees’ underscores Israel’s long-standing policy of intentional oppression. The result is an apartheid system, characterized by demographic engineering, discriminatory laws, and systematic deprivation of Palestinian rights. This intentional oppression, amounting to a crime against humanity, reflects a consistent pattern of domination and discrimination by the Israeli government.

Land Dispossession

Upon its establishment in 1948, Israel engaged in mass deportations and the destruction of Palestinian villages, constituting ethnic cleansing. Palestinians were initially isolated within Israel, later confined to the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the 1967 military occupation. Israel seized Palestinian lands, implemented discriminatory laws, and favored Jewish citizens, exacerbating poverty and insecurity for Palestinians. Expansion of Jewish settlements in occupied territories further violated international law.

In 1948, Palestinians comprised 70% of Palestine, owning 90% of privately held land. Displacement during the 1947-1949 conflict and the 1967 war increased Palestinian fragmentation. Legal systems, including the Oslo Accords, perpetuated discrimination, hindering Palestinian rights. Israeli policies restrict Palestinian movement, control territories, and deny refugees the right of return. Palestinians with Israeli citizenship face discriminatory laws, while those in the West Bank and Gaza are subject to military rule. The apartheid-like system includes unequal treatment based on legal status and geographic location.

Palestinians with Israeli citizenship experience limited rights compared to Israeli Jews, while those in East Jerusalem have residency but not citizenship. West Bank residents are under military rule, and Gazans are subject to Palestinian laws. This discriminatory regime, amounting to a crime against humanity, persists, denying millions of Palestinian refugees their right to return.

Restrictions on Movements

Since the mid-1990s, Israeli authorities have enforced a closure regime, severely limiting movement for millions of Palestinians in the West Bank and between the territories and Israel. This, coupled with restrictions on travel abroad, aims to isolate Palestinians, fostering Israeli dominance. Israel exerts control over all entry and exit points in the West Bank and governs travel routes to and from Gaza. Palestinians, except those in East Jerusalem with permanent residence rights, face obstacles traveling abroad through Israeli airports. Military forces can bar West Bank Palestinians from international travel based on undisclosed information, affecting activists and human rights defenders.

Gazans encounter significant hurdles traveling abroad due to Israeli and Egyptian restrictions at the Rafah crossing. Erezcrossing, controlled by Israel, demands permits rarely issued. Palestinians of Israeli nationality and East Jerusalem residents face discriminatory checks at Israeli airports. Movement within the Palestinian territories is challenging, dictated by Israeli considerations favoring settlements. A comprehensive closure system involves dirt roads, military barriers, and a lengthy wall/fence, isolating towns and villages. This wall, illegally built on Palestinian land, segregates communities in the West Bank, subjecting them to permits for daily activities.

Palestinians aged over fifty can generally move within the West Bank without permits, but the Israeli military “separation policy” hinders travel between the West Bank and Gaza. Palestinians must navigate a complex, arbitrary permit system, in contrast to the freedom enjoyed by Jewish settlers, Israeli citizens, and foreign nationals. This discriminatory regime perpetuates a sense of powerlessness and submission among Palestinians, impacting their daily lives.

Land and Property Confiscation

In 1948, Palestinians owned approximately 90 percent of Mandate Palestine’s privately owned land, while Jewish individuals and institutions held about 6.5 percent. Over the years, the State of Israel systematically seized land through discriminatory laws, aiming to dispossess and segregate Palestinians, particularly in strategic regions. This land acquisition policy, rooted in Judaization, targeted areas with significant Palestinian populations. Ongoing efforts focus on expelling Palestinians from the Negev, East Jerusalem, and Area C in the West Bank. Discriminatory planning and building regulations serve as tools for this strategy, reinforcing Judaization and control.

Key legislation facilitating land expropriation includes the Absentee Property Law (1950), the Land Acquisition Law (1953), and the British Lands (Acquisition for Public Purposes) Act (1943). Despite the annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967, these laws persist, enabling the transformation of Palestinian lands into state-owned property. The Absentee Property Law granted the state authority over lands, regardless of whether Palestinians became refugees or were internally displaced. A notable case is the destruction of Iqrit village in 1948, where residents were never allowed to return, showcasing the enforcement of this policy.

Post-1948, pre-existing Jewish property in East Jerusalem, under the Legal and Administrative Affairs Law amendment (1970), was transferred to the Israeli Public Custodian, favoring Jewish owners in compensation claims over Palestinian ones.Confiscation has also supported settlement expansion in Jerusalem. Jewish organizations, leveraging legal frameworks, file eviction claims against Palestinians, facilitating settler expansion into neighborhoods with Palestinian majorities.

This land expropriation has lasting consequences, denying Palestinians access to ancestral lands, perpetuating their isolation, and marking those with Israeli citizenship as a group with permanently diminished rights. The ongoing discriminatory legal apparatus continues to shape the land ownership landscape, reinforcing the systematic oppression and domination against Palestinians.

The Israeli Apartheid System: A Systematic Mechanism of Oppression and Discrimination

The Israeli apartheid system systematically oppresses and dominates Palestinians, both within Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. This institutionalized system employs discriminatory laws, policies, and practices, violating the human rights of Palestinians and controlling virtually every aspect of their lives.

Established by successive Israeli governments since 1948 and intensified after the annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967, this apartheid system differentiates between various Palestinian groups. Regardless of the political party in power, Israel applies discriminatory laws to oppress and exclude Palestinians while favoring Jewish Israelis.

While the system manifests differently in various areas under Israeli control, its overarching purpose remains consistent: to maintain a privileged status for Jewish Israelis, ensuring access to acquired or controlled territories and lands. Palestinians face restrictions challenging land expropriation and property rights, reflecting in Israel’s discourse from its inception to the present day.

The application of international law differs between situations inside Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. Palestinians in Israel are governed by international human rights law, while those in the occupied territories are subject to international humanitarian law related to military occupation. However, occupation law prohibits discrimination aimed at establishing or perpetuating a racist system of oppression.

Israeli actions, such as forced displacement, deportation, restricted movement, denial of citizenship rights, and discriminatory resource allocation, obstruct Palestinians’ current enjoyment of rights, including livelihoods, healthcare, food security, water access, and education. The apartheid system ensures unequal legal status, perpetuating an unjust reality for Palestinians in both individual and communal contexts.

Crimes Against Humanity

In the course of establishing and maintaining a regime of oppression and domination over Palestinians, Israel, and those acting on its behalf, have committed acts that contravene the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute. These acts, characterized by inhumanity and brutality, include forcible transfer, administrative detention, torture, unlawful killing, serious injury, deprivation of fundamental freedoms, and persecution, systematically executed against the Palestinian population in both Israel and the occupied territories.

Amnesty International’s examination focuses on acts associated with the regime’s laws, policies, and practices marked by unfair discrimination. The organization asserts that the patterns of prohibited acts by Israel constitute a systematic and widespread attack against the Palestinian population, amounting to crimes against humanity, specifically the crime of racial segregation under the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute.

Forced Transfers

Israel employs laws and policies to compel Palestinians into Israel and specific territories, restricting them to confined areas or forcing them to leave completely. In regions like the Negev, East Jerusalem, and Area C in the West Bank, Israel enforces planning and building regulations resulting in the widespread demolition of Palestinian homes and property, often connected to their livelihoods, under the pretext of lacking building permits. This coercive environment aims to push Palestinians out of their homes.

Israel’s requirement for building permits, coupled with restrictions on obtaining them, pushes Palestinians to build without permits. Consequently, Israeli forces demolish these structures, creating a cycle of forced displacement and dispossession. Since 1948, tens of thousands of Palestinian homes, including more than 500 villages, have been demolished, leaving affected communities, often among the poorest and marginalized, dependent on humanitarian aid for shelter and livelihood.

The cancellation of permanent residency rights in East Jerusalem, deliberate destruction during military operations, and actions leading to tens of thousands of displaced and homeless individuals all contribute to violations of international humanitarian law. When viewed in the context of an oppressive regime, these acts further uphold the apartheid system, perpetuating a situation of injustice.

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Raping prisoners in Israel is not a crime

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ICC : “Israel Must Give Back Palestine to Palestinians”

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Makluba

In the wake of the recent war in Gaza, our culinary endeavors, particularly in crafting and sharing traditional Palestinian dishes like Maqluba, represent a consciou effort to contribute to the preservation and resilience of Palestinian culture. In a time when cultural heritage is under threat, preparing and enjoying these time-honored recipes becomes more than a mere culinary activity; it transforms into a deliberate act of cultural continuity and solidarity. 

The name “maqlouba” literally means “upside down” in Arabic. And this is the particularity of this Palestinian dish! Inimitable, this dish consists in assembling the ingredients upside down, then turning the whole thing upside down at the time of serving. Eggplant, fried onions, potatoes, rice, and lamb form, one after the other, magnificent layers where the aromas are released and harmonize.

A tasty dish, whose recipe has spread to Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan in different versions. The ingredients can vary and the order of the layers can be improvised. Whatever, maqlouba lets your creativity do the talking!

Watch how to do Makluba

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Who gives Israel license to kill Palestinians?

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“Israel is a Racist and Supremacist Jewish State”

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Gaza Genocide is confirmed by UN

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Upholding Injustice: America’s Continued Veto Power over Palestine

Voice of Palestine , 26/03/24

In the ongoing saga of the Israeli occupation of Palestine, the United States’ consistent exercise of its veto power in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has been a formidable obstacle to Palestinian aspirations for statehood and sovereignty. The American veto has repeatedly thwarted efforts to advance Palestinian interests on the international stage, perpetuating a cycle of frustration and stagnation in the quest for a just and lasting resolution to the conflict.

Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, the United States has employed its veto power in the UNSC to shield Israeli occupation from accountability numerous times. In total, the US has cast over 40 vetoes to protect Israel, making it the most frequent user of the veto in the history of the UN Security Council. These vetoes have ranged from resolutions condemning illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied territories to efforts to recognize Palestinian statehood.

In recent years, the American veto has been particularly consequential in obstructing international efforts to alleviate the starvation and humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip. Despite widespread condemnation of genicidal Israeli war on Gazans and calls for immediate ceasefires, the US has consistently blocked UNSC resolutions calling for an end to genocide and the provision of humanitarian aid to the besieged Gaza.

Three such instances occurred since 7/10/23, when the UNSC considered a draft resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and the provision of humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by Israeli aggression that left more than 100000 killed and injured. Despite overwhelming international support for the resolution, the United States vetoed it, citing concerns about its potential impact on Israeli security.

This veto, like many before it, underscored the entrenched pro-Israel bias in American foreign policy and the significant influence wielded by pro-Israel lobbying groups within the United States. It perpetuated the cycle of violence and suffering in Gaza, denying Palestinians the urgent relief they desperately needed.

Moreover, the American veto against ceasefire resolutions reflects a broader failure of political will and moral courage in the international community to address the Israeli war crimes and collective punishment in Gaza and the root causes of the Israeli occupation and apartheid regime. It sends a message that Palestinian lives do not matter and that Israel is immune to accountability for its deliberate destruction of infrastructure, starvation of 2.4 million people,  indiscriminate killing and ethnic cleansing.

In light of these Western double standards, there is an urgent need for a fundamental shift in American policy towards the illegal Israeli occupation. The US must recognize the inherent injustice of its unconditional support for Israel and its role in perpetuating the occupation. It must acknowledge the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for statehood, self-determination, and human rights.

To this end, the US should support multilateral efforts to advance a just and comprehensive resolution to the occupation, including through the UN and other international forums. It should refrain from using its veto power to shield Israel from accountability and instead work to hold it accountable for its  actions in accordance with international law.

Israeli occupation cannot stay protected and unpunished for breaching  the international law. Until the US and its allies are willing to dismantle the Israeli apartheid and end  the illegal occupation of Palestine and advocate for self determination , the prospects for peace and stability in the region will remain elusive.

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What did David Ben-Gurion say?

“If I were an Arab leader, I would never sign an agreement with Israel. It is normal; we have taken their country. It is true God promised it to us, but how could that interest them? Our God is not theirs. There has been Anti-Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but was that their fault? They see but one thing: we have come and we have stolen their country. Why would they accept that?”Davi Ben-Gurion (the first Israeli Prime Minister): Quoted by Nahum Goldmann in Le Paraddoxe Juif (The Jewish Paradox), pp121.

“Let us not ignore the truth among ourselves … politically we are the aggressors and they defend themselves… The country is theirs, because they inhabit it, whereas we want to come here and settle down, and in their view we want to take away from them their country. … Behind the terrorism [by the Arabs] is a movement, which though primitive is not devoid of idealism and self sacrifice.”
— David Ben Gurion. Quoted on pp 91-2 of Chomsky’s Fateful Triangle, which appears in Simha Flapan’s “Zionism and the Palestinians pp 141-2 citing a 1938 speech.

“We must do everything to insure they (the Palestinians) never do return.”
David Ben-Gurion, in his diary, 18 July 1948, quoted in Michael Bar Zohar’s Ben-Gurion: the Armed Prophet, Prentice-Hall, 1967, p. 157.

Ben Gurion also warned in 1948: Assuring his fellow Zionists that Palestinians will never come back to their homes: “The old will die and the young will forget.”

“We should prepare to go over to the offensive. Our aim is to smash Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, and Syria. The weak point is Lebanon, for the Moslem regime is artificial and easy for us to undermine. We shall establish a Christian state there, and then we will smash the Arab Legion, eliminate Trans-Jordan; Syria will fall to us. We then bomb and move on and take Port Said, Alexandria and Sinai.”
David Ben-Gurion May 1948, to the General Staff. From Ben-Gurion, a Biography, by Michael Ben-Zohar, Delacorte, New York 1978.

“If I knew that it was possible to save all the children of Germany by transporting them to England, and only half by transferring them to the Land of Israel, I would choose the latter, for before us lies not only the numbers of these children but the historical reckoning of the people of Israel.”
Ben-Gurion (Quoted on pp 855-56 in Shabtai Teveth’s Ben-Gurion in a slightly different translation).

“It’s not a matter of maintaining the status quo. We have to create a dynamic state, oriented towards expansion.” –Ben Gurion

“Every school child knows that there is no such thing in history as a final arrangement — not with regard to the regime, not with regard to borders, and not with regard to international agreements.”
— Ben Gurion, War Diaries, 12/03/1947 following Israel’s “acceptance” of the U.N. Partition of 11/29/1947 (Simha Flapan, “Birth of Israel,” p.13)

“We walked outside, Ben-Gurion accompanying us. Allon repeated his question, What is to be done with the Palestinian population? ‘Ben-Gurion waved his hand in a gesture which said ‘ Drive them out! ‘ “Yitzhak Rabin, leaked censored version of Rabin memoirs, published in the New York Times, 23 October 1979.

Partition: “after the formation of a large army in the wake of the establishment of the state, we will abolish partition and expand to the whole of Palestine “
— Ben Gurion, p.22 “The Birth of Israel, 1987” Simha Flapan.

“The acceptance of partition does not commit us to renounce Transjordan. One does not demand from anybody to give up his vision. We shall accept a state in the boundaries fixed today — but the boundaries of Zionist aspirations are the concerns of the Jewish people and no external factor will be able to limit them.” P. 53, “The Birth of Israel, 1987” Simha Flapan

October, 1936, during the Jewish Agency Executive meeting Ben-Gurion arguing in favor of transfer as a policy, he said “We are not a state and Britain will not do it for us…” although “there is nothing wrong in the idea.”

“If it was permissible to move an Arab from the Galilee to Judea, why it is impossible to move an Arab from Hebron to Transjordan, which is much closer? There are vast expanses of land there and we are over crowded….Even the High Commission agrees to a transfer to Transjordan if we equip the peasants with land and money. If the Peel Commission and the London Government accept, we’ll remove the land problem from the agenda.”

The Arabs, Ben-Gurion claimed, would not become landless as a result of Zionist land acquisition; they would be transferred to Transjordan.

October 29, 1936 the 21 member of the Jewish Agency Executive endorsed the proposal of a transfer of displaced Arab farmers to Transjordan. Only two of the four non-Zionist members opted to dissent.


Flapan, Zionism and the Palestinians, citing protocols of the Executive meeting, p. 261

12 July 1937, Ben-Gurion entered in his diary: “The compulsory transfer of the Arabs from the valleys of the proposed Jewish state could give us something which we never had, even when we stood on our own feet during the days of the First and Second Temple”
– a Galilee free from Arab population.

Ben-Gurion went so far to write: “We must prepare ourselves to carry out” the transfer [emphasis in original]

27 July 1937, Ben-Gurion wrote in a letter to his 16 year old son Amos: “We have never wanted to dispossess the Arabs [but] because Britain is giving them part of the country which had been promised to us, it is fair that the Arabs in our state be transferred to the Arab portion”

5 October 1937, Ben-Gurion wrote in a letter to his 16 year old son Amos: “We must expel the Arabs and take their places…. And, if we have to use force-not to dispossess the Arabs of the Negev and Transjordan, but to guarantee our own right to settle in those places- then we have force at our disposal.”

“It is very possible that the Arabs of the neighboring countries will come to their aid against us. But our strength will exceed theirs. Not only because we will be better organized and equipped, but because behind us there stands a still larger force, superior in quantity and quality …the whole younger generation of Jews from Europe and America.”
Ben-Gurion, Zichronot [Memoirs], Vol. 4, p.297-299, p. 330-331.
See also Teveth, Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Arabs, p. 182-189

Ben-Gurion in an address to the central committee of the Histadrut on 30 December 1947:
“In the area allocated to the Jewish State there are not more than 520,000 Jews and about 350,000 non-Jews, wmostly Arabs. Together with the Jews of Jerusalem, the total population of the Jewish State at the time of its establishment will be about a million, including almost 40 percent non-Jews. Such a [population] composition does not provide a stable basis for a Jewish State. This [demographic] fact must be viewed in all its clarity and acuteness. With such a [population] composition, there cannot even be absolute certainty that control will remain in the hands of the Jewish majority…. There can be no stable and strong Jewish State so long as it has a Jewish majority of only 60 percent.”

On the 6th of February 1948, during a Mapai Party Council, Ben-Gurion responded to a remark from a member of the audience that “we have no land there” [in the hills and mountains west of Jerusalem] by saying: “The war will give us the land. The concepts of “ours” and “not ours” are peace concepts, only, and in war they lose their whole meaning”. (Ben-Gurion, War Diary, Vol. 1, entry dated 6 February 1948. p.211)

Addressing the Mapai Council the following day, Ben-Gurion declared: “From your entry into Jerusalem, through Lifta, Romema… there are no Arabs. One hundred percent Jews. Since Jerusalem was destroyed by the Romans, it has not been so Jewish. In many Arab neighborhoods in the west one sees not a single Arab. I do not assume that this will change… What had happened in Jerusalem… is likely to happen in many parts of the country …in the six, eight or ten months of the campaign there will certainly be great changes in the composition of the population in the country.”
(Ben-Gurion, War Diary, Vol. 1, entry dated 7 February 1948. p. 210-211).

And two months later, Ben-Gurion speaking to the Zionist Actions Committee on 6 April, Ben-Gurion declared: “We will not be able to win the war if we do not, during the war, populate upper and lower, eastern and western Galilee, the Negev and Jerusalem area….I believe that war will also bring in its wake a great change in the distribution of the Arab population.” [Ben-Gurion, Behilahem Yisrael, Tel Aviv, Mapai Press, 1952, pp. 86-87].

Ben-Gurion wrote in his diary on 12 July 1937: “the compulsory transfer of the Arabs from the valleys of the projected Jewish State…. We have to stick to this conclusion the same way we grabbed the Balfour Declaration, more than that, the same way we grabbed at Zionism itself.”
(Ben-Gurion, Zichronot [Memoirs], Vol. 4, p. 299)

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